tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-36818212022892203122024-03-13T10:18:41.026-07:00LORD A. ADUSEIGhana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.comBlogger117125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-47390009539303408362016-11-03T13:36:00.001-07:002016-11-03T13:36:58.227-07:00The Strategic importance of Ukraine and why both Russia and U.S. want her as an ally<div style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; line-height: 25px !important; margin-bottom: 18px !important; text-rendering: auto !important;">
Ukraine commands a lot of geostrategic significance and this is the reason for the cockpit rivalry and competition currently going on between Russia and the West. The country was the second most important country after Russia during the USSR years. Currently its population of more than 44.6 million is one of the biggest in Europe and an important source of market for both EU and Russian made goods. Ukraine is also one of the largest countries in the world. Its size of 603,550sq km is 46th in global comparison. In European terms, it is the second biggest country in Europe after Russia. In fact it is 15% bigger than France which is the third largest country in Europe. Ukraine shares 1,576km long border with Russia in the east making her a strategic country especially for US and her western allies who want to prevent Russia from expanding her influence westwards. Ukrainian port cities are important in both economic and military sense. For example the Ukrainian coastal city of Sevastopol located in the Crimean peninsula serves as a major naval base for the Russian navy. In fact the headquarters of Russia's Black Sea fleet is located in Crimea. The continuous use of the base by the Russian navy resulted in a deal in April 2010 in which Russia agreed to lower the prices of gas and oil it sells to Ukraine. Ukraine also borders the Black Sea, the Sea of Azov, Belarus, Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, and Moldova. This prime location could allow the country to play major role in Eastern and Central Europe.</div>
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Economically Ukraine is a major manufacturer of ballistic missiles, large transport planes and launch pads for space carriers. In this sense it is a major player in the field of weapons systems. The country also has 15 nuclear power reactors at four sites (Khmelnitsky, Rovno, South Ukraine and Zaporozhe). All 15 reactors are operated by Energoatom. Together the nuclear reactors provide Ukraine 50% of the country energy needs. The nuclear reactors and their infrastructures can easily be converted to produce nuclear weapons. In this case Ukraine can become a member of the club of nuclear power nations if it decides to and could obtain a lot of financial reward if it decides to engage in nuclear proliferation activities. Ukraine is also a major producer and exporter of steel, a product vital to the global economy particularly for ship building and the auto industry. Ukraine is a major transit point for oil and gas coming from Russia and Central Asia to the EU. Most of the gas and oil pipelines carrying hydrocarbon products to the EU from Russia pass through the country. In 2004 for example more than 80% of Russian gas exported to Europe came through Ukrainian pipelines. And currently more than 70% of Russia gas enters Europe through Ukraine. These pipelines consist of 36,720 km for gas; 4,514 km for oil and 4,363 km which carry refined products. Any disruption of these pipelines or the flow of petroleum products (as happened in 2005-6) will bring untold suffering to millions of Western Europeans who depend on gas coming from Russia.</div>
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Ukraine is major agricultural hub. Its flat plains, plateaus and fertile black soil (considered the best in Europe) are good for food production and animal husbandry. In fact the country could be the breadbasket of Europe if its agricultural potential is fully exploited.</div>
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The Ukrainian opposition victory is a nightmare for Russia and particularly President Valdimir Putin. In fact the fall of the Viktor Yanukovyc regime is a major strategic defeat for Putin, a coup and a triumph for the West (US and EU). The victory chalked by the opposition will materialise what Putin has feared all along i.e. that first Ukraine will tilt to the West, second will be admitted into the EU, and third into NATO. Though member ship to the EU and NATO is a long process, the strategic consequences are that a tilt to the West will not only contain Russia's ambitions to expand its sphere of influence westwards but will nearly complete the West's encirclement of Russia. Russia may therefore take actions that will prevent Ukraine from becoming a satellite of the West.</div>
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Also Putin's effort to create the Eurasian Union (EAU) an economic union to rival that of the EU with Ukraine as a key member has suffered a major setback. Ukraine membership to the EAU would have given the union the boost it needed. However with UKraine now tilting towards EU, the EAU would definitely struggle to remain as buoyant as it should. However, the fight for control of Ukraine by the West and Russia is not over yet. As Russian forces conduct military drills close to Crimea and with pro-Russian gunmen seizing the Crimean Parliament it is possible that instability in Crimea will continue for days to come with the final outcome being that the Crimea region will breakaway from Ukraine to form independent state or join Russia.</div>
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By Lord Aikins Adusei<br />All rights reserved.</div>
Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-91782178581026004752016-11-02T23:37:00.002-07:002016-11-02T23:37:57.870-07:00Nigeria: A declining regional power?<div style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; line-height: 25px !important; margin-bottom: 18px !important; text-rendering: auto !important;">
Undoubtedly Nigeria is West Africa's only regional power. Its economy of US$337.9 billion (2010 estimate) is the biggest in West Africa and second in Africa after South Africa. The country is poised to overtake South Africa as Africa's biggest economy. Her more than 150 million people, over 36 billion barrels of untapped crude oil and huge deposit of natural gas estimated to be about 120 trillion cubic feet or about 3% of the world's total make Nigeria a key strategic economic power. With a defense budget of about US$2.2 billion (348 billion naira-2011 budget) and a total active manpower of more than 80,000 soldiers, Nigeria's military is not only the biggest and best funded in West Africa but also the most powerful in the sub-region. In the 1990s, the country's pivotal role in ending the brutal and bloody civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone (that killed hundreds of thousands of people) won her approbation regionally and beyond.</div>
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A declining regional power?</div>
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However, many who have watched Nigeria since the late-1990s are feeling uneasy about her declining status. The 2012 Mo Ibrahim Index of good governance ranked the country 13 out of 15 best governed countries in West Africa and 43 out of 52 in Africa. In the West African sub-region, only Guinea Bissau and Ivory Coast had the worst governance situation than Nigeria. In the last six years, the annual Failed States Index jointly published by the Fund for Peace and the Foreign Policy magazine has consistently named Nigeria among the top 20 most failed states on the planet alongside Afghanistan, Central African Republic, Chad, DR. Congo, Guinea, Haiti, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Pakistan, Somalia, Sudan, Yemen, and Zimbabwe.</div>
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In the ongoing war in Mali, Nigeria (the regional power) has been missing in action. Although President Goodluck Jonathan pledged the largest troop numbers as part of the ECOWAS multinational force, Nigeria could not mobilize its military capabilities and assets or that of ECOWAS' countries to lead the assault against Tuareg and Al Qaeda fighters. France, a regional great power (not a global power) located thousands of kilometers in Europe demonstrated that it is still a force when it comes to African affairs. In less than 30 days, French forces succeeded not only in halting the militants' advance to Bamako but successfully pushed them out of the cities and towns they had occupied for nearly a year.</div>
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As France's hi-tech rafale fighter jets and helicopter gunships bombed and drove the militants out of their hideouts in northern Mali, Malian women and children in Gao, Kidal and Timbuktu in appreciation of the French effort began singing praises to France, describing French soldiers as agents of God and mocking Nigeria, and other ECOWAS states for their ineffective leadership and dithering. On January 27 this year, Yayi Boni, Africa Union chairman and president of Benin Republic, indicted the Africa Union, his own leadership and that of Nigeria, the regional power. He praised France for her timely leadership role and military intervention, saying this is what "we should have done a long time ago to defend a member country."</div>
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But Nigeria's poor show in the ongoing crisis in Mali is nothing new. During the 2011 post-election violence in Ivory Coast which saw another intervention by France, Nigeria's leadership was conspicuously missing. Though Nigeria supported military action against Gbagbo, it could not translate the rhetoric into effective action.</div>
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In the Gulf of Guinea for example, West Africa criminal gangs, Asia and South American drug cartels, European and Asian fishing and chemical companies and Al Qaeda backed militants are slowly turning the region into a haven for international narcotics and human trafficking, weapons proliferation, terrorism, maritime piracy, cyber fraud, illegal fishing, dumping ground for industrial waste, and other transnational criminal activities. Nigeria's ostrich approach to these problems has been uncharacteristic of a regional power.</div>
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In fact the maritime insecurity and many of the pirates' attacks against oil tankers and cargo ships have emanated from within Nigeria itself. On January 16, 2013, pirates seized a Nigerian-owned cargo ship (ITRI) in Abidjan and successfully carried away the 5000 tons of oil it was carrying worth $5 million. On Sunday (February, 3, 2013) a French-owned tanker (The Gascogne) was also seized in the same Abidjan area by Nigeria pirates. Commenting on the seizure of the ships in Abidjan, Noel Choong who heads the Piracy Reporting office of the Malaysian based International Maritime Bureau noted that: 'It appears that the Nigerian pirates are spreading. All of these vessels were tankers carrying gas oil. They are all taken back to Nigeria to siphon off the oil, and then the crews are freed.' According to Timothy Walker of the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria, South Africa, in 2011 a total of 49 pirates' attacks were recorded in the Gulf of Guinea. This increased to 58 in 2012.</div>
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There are indications that the 2013 piracy figures may surpass that of 2012. According to Mr. Jeffrey Hawkins, Consul-General of the United State Consulate in Lagos-Nigeria, there were more than 24 attacks between January and March of 2013. Speaking during the Nigeria Maritime Expo (NIMAREX) in Lagos, Mr. Hawkins recounted the number of pirates' attacks that took place in February alone in Nigeria's coastal waters: 'On February 4, in the Lagos anchorage. On February 6, along the River Forcados. On February 7, off Brass. On February 10 and 11, two separate attacks off Bonny. On February 17, two separate attacks, one in Lagos and one off Brass. On February 22, again off Brass, and on February 25, in Calabar Channel. And that's just three weeks in February'.</div>
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The consequence of the increase in piracy in the Gulf of Guinea and the role of Nigerian pirates in it is that regional maritime trade and security are being undermined a point Mr. Hawkins highlighted:</div>
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'From cargo theft to kidnapping for ransom, the Gulf of Guinea is becoming known as a very dangerous place to do business. It is becoming known as a place where you must sail in convoys and where you must hire armed guards- who themselves are Nigerian police officers or sailors and rhetorically should have responsibilities other than serving as hired guns. The Gulf is becoming known as a place where you must prepare your crew to be attacked at any time. [And] it is becoming known as a place where maritime security enforcement is weak, when it exists at all...We hear – from government officials and from industry executives – that billions of dollars are lost each year, in stolen cargo and stolen ships. Some senior Nigerian government officials have publicly estimated that the losses from crude oil theft alone amount to more than $7 billion annually'.</div>
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In northern Nigeria for example, more than 2000 people have died since the uprising by the Boko Haram terror group began in 2009. In fact, a large part of northern Nigeria is technically under the control of Boko Haram which continues to terrorize citizens and foreign workers with impunity. In March 2013 Boko Haram ambushed and killed 46 police officers in north central state of Nassarawa. In April 2013 effort by the Nigeria's military to wrestle control of the region from Boko Haram led to a bloodbath in which 185 people died and more than 2200 houses were destroyed in the fishing village of Baga in northeastern state of Borno. In the middle belt and in the Niger Delta region, armed robbers, kidnapers, hostage-takers, oil smugglers, religious, ethnic tribal and communal conflicts continue to make life difficult for millions of people and businesses. In December 2012 the mother of Finance Minister, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was kidnapped. In February 2013 seven foreigners working for a Lebanese firm were also kidnapped and later killed. In February 2013 seven French citizens were kidnapped in Cameroon and brought to Nigeria. In April 2013 militants ambushed and killed 13 police officers who were on duty in the restless Niger Delta region.</div>
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The use of smart weapons by France and its victory over the rebels illustrate the need for Nigeria to have the weapons that will enable her to achieve air superiority and establish herself as West Africa's true naval power. The 2012 publication of Nigeria's military assets by the Military Technology journal offers a glimpse as to why the armed forces have not been able to bring security and stability to the country and the region. It shows that despite being a rich country, Nigeria's Navy does not have a single submarine to beef up its coastal defenses and police the crime infested waters of West Africa. The authors observed that 'many ships are in very poor conditions due to lack of maintenance.' They further added that for the air force, the 'serviceability of most of the aircraft is very low, and many airplanes are stored in non-flyable conditions while others have been effectively abandoned due to lack of maintenance.' The non-serviceability of most of the country's planes partly underscores why Nigeria cannot project power in the region and explains why Germany and Britain had to step in to volunteer to transport ECOWAS forces to Mali.</div>
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Among the global power elite, policy-makers and scholars, Nigeria's decline is a worrying problem. This is because in a rough neighborhood, conflict ridden and security challenging environment like that of West Africa, there is always the need for a regional power to maintain stability and order. But with Nigeria's inability to maintain security and stability both at home and in the region and with no viable candidate in the region to replace her, the future stability, security, peace and development of Nigeria and the region is in doubt. In fact Robert D. Kaplan's prediction of a 'coming anarchy' in the region may not be far from reality.</div>
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Consequences of the decline</div>
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One key consequence is that Nigeria's decline has led to greater instability and insecurity in the sub region as can be seen in Ivory Coast, Mali, Guinea and the narco state of Guinea Bissau.</div>
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Nigeria's decline has also created a power vacuum which is increasingly being filled by criminal gangs and hegemonic external powers notably France, the United States and Britain. France's intervention in Ivory Coast and Mali (both happening in the backyard of Nigeria busttress this point). On Tuesday 2nd April 2013 U.S. anti-narcotics agents entered the territorial waters of West Africa and arrested Rear Admiral Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto, a former Guinea Bissau's navy chief, on suspicion of being involved in narcotics smuggling into Europe. The arrest of Na Tchuto by U.S. agents in a region considered to be Nigeria's domain is another testament of how external powers are having a field day in Nigeria's backyard. In February 2013 Mali's future was decided in Brussels far away from Nigeria the regional power. If the power vacuum continues, it will have strategic consequences not only for Nigeria but also for the entire region.</div>
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Another consequence which can be observed from Nigeria's inability to solve its internal problems or provide leadership in the sub region is that the political and economic integration of ECOWAS as a regional bloc has stalled. This becomes clearer when ECOWAS is compared with other regional groupings such as ASEAN, SADC, and the EU, and the key role individual regional powers are playing in them. For example, the SADC region is considered the most progressive region in Africa courtesy South Africa. South Africa is frequently cited as a rising power with substantial growing economic, political, diplomatic and military power. South Africa is providing leadership, mobilizing, organizing and building coalitions on key regional issues with the countries in SADC. South Africa is counted among global elite groups and emerging powers such as G20, BASIC (Brazil, South Africa, India, and China) and BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) with influence and power to reshape the current global order. Meanwhile Nigeria continues to find herself in the club of G77. In July 2009, President Obama snubbed Nigeria, West Africa's regional power and visited Ghana in his first visit to Sub Sahara Africa. White House sources say from June 26 to 3 July 2013 President Obama will visit Senegal, South Africa and Tanzania once again ignoring Nigeria.</div>
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The analyses above reveal four facts. First Nigeria's internal security challenges are undermining its status as a regional bulwark. Second, the country's weakness is affecting the security of her neighbors. Third Nigeria's internal security challenges are providing criminals with ammunitions to expend. Fourth Nigeria's internal problems and its inability to provide leadership in West Africa are costing her diplomatic recognition and respect.</div>
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Reviving Nigeria</div>
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What can be done to turn Nigeria around? First, the Nigerian state must recognize that its decline is self inflicted even if external forces and events have played a role in it. At the heart of the problem is the neo-patrimonial power system that serves only the interest of the few and which has led to what Patrick Chabal of Kings College-London has termed elite 'enrichment without development.' The elite capture politics with its concomitant by-product of extreme poverty, inequality, conflict, terrorism, armed robbery, kidnapping, violence, cyber fraud and corruption ought to be dismantled. How can such a system be dismantled? This could come in a form of a very broad comprehensive reform to be carried out in all the institutions and sectors of the state: from the security establishment, presidency, judiciary, legislature, civil service, to the private sector. The reform should aim at not only undoing the opportunistic manipulation, neo-patrimonial and vertical power structures that have been constructed by the political elite but also allowing for a more active role by the civil society and the marginalized citizens to ensure greater democratic accountability, good governance, human security, and inclusive development in the country.</div>
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Who will carry out the reform and how? With so many entrenched interests in the country, it is difficult to think about reform from the top. A reform engineered from the bottom up by the civil society cum the masses might be the only viable option available to kick start the change badly needed to revitalize the country.</div>
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Nigeria's power holders need to realize that the country's position in the world is dependent on what it does first at home, second in West Africa and third in Africa. What it does at home must be to rescue the nation from the grips of the home-grown oligarchs and external parasites that have since independence been milking it, paralyzing it and preventing it from strongly playing its role as a true regional power. Any delay in carrying out the reform will not only make the 'paper tiger' and 'sleeping giant' stories that have long been associated with the country a reality but will also make the nose-diving decline of the country very hard to reverse.</div>
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By Lord Aikins Adusei<br />politicalthinker1@yahoo.com</div>
Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-63785745550586211392016-11-02T23:36:00.001-07:002016-11-02T23:36:19.917-07:00Ethiopia: A New Era after Meles Zenawi?<div style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; line-height: 25px !important; margin-bottom: 18px !important; text-rendering: auto !important;">
The death of Meles Zenawi on August 20 at the age of 57 brought to an end more than two decades of controversial rule. In 1991, at the age of 36, Zenawi became the youngest ruler in Africa after leading his Tegrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF), an ethnic militia from the country's north, to crush Marxist dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam, and helping to save Ethiopia from the ruins of civil war.</div>
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Ethiopia under Zenawi – Developed Yet Authoritarian</div>
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Ethiopia under Zenawi can however be summed up in two key words: development and authoritarianism. Ethiopia under Zenawi saw a remarkable economic growth with the economy growing on the average of 10 percent in the last five years. The IMF rated the country the fastest non-oil growing economy in Africa. Confidence in the Ethiopian economy soared with investors from Europe, North America, Asia and Africa, including Tiger Brands of South Africa, Canada's Allana, Schulze Global Investments of America, Diageo and Heineken, all making their pitch in the country pumping hundreds of millions of dollars into the economy. Apart from direct Chinese investment in the country, the Chinese government has been loaning the country about $3 billion annually, most of which has been used for infrastructure development including schools, clinics, roads, railway lines, hydropower stations and canals.</div>
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The consequence is that there has been notable improvement in the lives of ordinary Ethiopians. Although poverty is still pervasive, majority of the country's population are not starving. Food security in Ethiopia has drastically improved, and hunger and malnutrition, which featured in the country in the 1970s and 1980s, are not as threatening as before.</div>
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Pillar of Stability<br />The government of Meles Zenawi projected Ethiopia as the pillar of stability in the Horn of Africa and in the process even came to assume the status of policeman of the Horn of Africa. The UN Security Council in 2011 voted to allow Ethiopia to deploy about 4200 soldiers to Abyei, the oil-rich border town between North and South Sudan, which has become a major source of tension between the two countries. Ethiopia also played key role in mediating between the two Sudans.</div>
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Since 2006, Ethiopia has played a pivotal role in trying to bring peace, security and stability to Somalia. Together with Kenya and Africa Union forces, Addis Ababa helped to push the al-Shabaab terror group out of Mogadishu and Beledweyne, and the terror group is now on the defensive.</div>
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These efforts to bring stability to East Africa and to rid the region of terrorism made Ethiopia the most important ally of the West in East Africa. According to US officials, Ethiopia's military and security services have become the Central Intelligence Agency's most trusted allies in the war against extremism and terrorism in East Africa.</div>
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Ethiopia's aggressive attitude towards terrorism has earned the country not only praises, but also more than $4 billion in development assistance annually. The country's leaders have also been rewarded by the West. Former Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, for example, was a regular participant in G8 and G20 gatherings. He also spoke at the World Economic Forum in Davos-Switzerland and during climate change negotiations in Durban and Copenhagen. Zenawi used his presence in these gatherings to project a voice for Africa helping to articulate Africa's interests on the international stage.</div>
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Ethnically Polarised</div>
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But the development initiatives and the aggressive stance on terrorism came at the expense of democracy, human rights, free speech, ethnic and religious cohesion, and regional stability. In the latter part of his reign, Zenawi and his government became increasingly authoritarian and repressive. Democracy and human rights have suffered a terrible blow, particularly since 2005. Many opposition figures have either been imprisoned or have been forced to flee the country. Anti-terrorism laws passed in 2009 have been used to criminalise free speech leading to a number of journalists and activists either being imprisoned or freeing the country for their safety.</div>
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Apart from the erosion of democratic values, Ethiopia has become ethnically polarised. This is largely due to the 1994 constitution which divided Ethiopia into ethnically-based regions. The Tigray ethnic group of Meles Zenawi (which makes up about 6.07 percent of the population) dominates not only the ruling Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), but also the country's economy, commerce, political and military sectors much to the chagrin of Amharas, Gurages and other ethnic groups. The ethnicisation of the country has seen separatists' movements springing up in several places including the Afar, Oromo and Ogaden regions.</div>
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Rise of a New Era<br />The smooth and peaceful transfer of power to Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Hailemariam Desalegn put to rest (at least for now) the speculation of leadership battle and the much feared leadership crisis and has helped to restore confidence in the country. Desalegn's confirmation shows that the ruling elite in Ethiopia understand the importance of stability and positive continuity in their country.</div>
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The greatest dividend is that the death of Zenawi and the coming into office of Desalegn could mark the end of the old era of authoritarianism, political intolerance, ethnic and religious polarization, and the beginning of a new era of democracy, respect for human rights, and decriminalisation of free speech, inclusive economic development and political stability. In fact, the appointment of Desalegn (a non-Tegrayan) may calm down ethnic tension both in the country and within the ruling EPRDF party. This has the potential to avoid the kind of instability that some analysts have predicted.</div>
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One of Desalegn's first acts in office was the release from prison of the two Swedes who were convicted for helping Ogaden National Liberation Front rebels to destabilise the country. Their release signals that the new PM might move away from some of the unpopular policies of his predecessor. The release of the Swedes also raises optimism that Desalegn might release opposition members, journalists and activists who were incarcerated under Zenawi. Any gesture of that nature will mark a new era of relationship between the ruling government, civil society and the opposition parties and will have the potential of returning competitive politics and democracy in the country.</div>
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However, this optimism has to be balanced with the realistic and critical question of whether the new PM will continue with the same policies of his predecessor or whether he will be his own man. The first part of the question is true.</div>
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To begin with, Desalegn appears to have little influence within the EPRDF and will not be able to control the powerful Tegrayan bloc in the party and in the government. In fact with elections due in 2015, it is unlikely that the new PM will engineer any drastic policy moves that will antagonise the Tegrayan bloc. Even if he succeeds in carrying out major reforms, it is improbable that the Tegrayan elite who dominate the ruling EPRDF party will give grounds so easily and will fight to maintain their power, influence and interests.</div>
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The fear is that if the Tegrayan bloc continues to dominate, control and shape government policies, it will further deepen the ethnic polarisation in the country, erode democratic values, possibly break up the ruling EPRDF party, and threaten Ethiopia's fragile political, social and economic environment. The worst case scenario is that instability is likely to be final outcome.</div>
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That said, Desalegn's is not expected to shift away from the lead role the state plays in driving development. Ethiopia is also likely to continue to be involved in the internal affairs of her neighbours especially Somalia and Sudan. However, is also expected to cooperate with her neighbours in a number of areas including joint infrastructural development, intelligence sharing, defeating terrorism, and promoting regional peace, security and stability.</div>
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Given the important role donor funds play in Ethiopia's development, the country's relationship with the West, and particularly the United States, is expected to continue unchanged and may deepen even further. The need to attract badly needed investment to promote economic growth, infrastructure development and poverty reduction will see Ethiopia deepening its relationship with China, India and Middle Eastern countries.</div>
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Whatever changes that take place in the post-Zenawi era, especially with respect to democracy, human rights, inclusive economic development, ethnic and religious cohesion, and regional peace, security, stability among others, will be heavily influenced by the internal politics within the ruling EPRDF party.</div>
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Lord Aikins Adusei is an independent energy and security analyst on Africa. His research interests include security, development and energy. He may be reached atPoliticalthinker1@yahoo.com<br />Note: This article was first published by the Diplomatist magazine in India.</div>
Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-62456452555540967772016-11-02T23:34:00.002-07:002016-11-02T23:34:44.011-07:00Ivory Coast’s security nightmare today could be Ghana’s tomorrow<div style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; line-height: 25px !important; margin-bottom: 18px !important; text-rendering: auto !important;">
In 1989 Liberia suffered a very devastating civil war. So violent was the war that by 1996 it had killed 200,000 of the 2.4 million people living in the country. About 750,000 people fled the war and became refugees in neighboring countries. Internally between 1 and 1.2 million people were displaced, creating a complex humanitarian emergency in the country.</div>
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During the Liberian civil war Côte d'lvoire or (Ivory Coast) played several key roles in fueling the conflict. First, it was from Côte d'lvoire that Charles Taylor invaded Liberia on 24 December 1989. Second, Ivorian politicians and businessmen colluded with and supported Charles Taylor and his National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) to wage his war of aggression against Samuel Doe and the Liberian state by illegally providing weapons to Taylor. Third Ivorian officials also allowed Ivorian territory to be used by Taylor to export timber, diamond and other products illegally taken from Liberia.</div>
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William Reno author of 'Liberia and Sierra Leone: Competition for patronage in resource-rich economies' observed that 'in the logging industry, for example, Taylor invited investment from a Liberian timber association located across the border in San Pedro, Côte d'Ivoire. The five members of this association paid 'taxes' in the order of a quarter million dollars each during 1991-92. They also took over state-like functions, visibly directing 'tax' payments to local officials, financing NPFL operations, and providing local utilities. These operations, which included participation from Ivorian officials across the border, tapped into a lucrative transit trade in timber exports and arms imports'.</div>
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Registering their displeasure about the involvement in the Liberian civil war by the Ivorian elites, New Democrat, a daily newspaper in Liberia wrote in 1995 that 'for over five years, Ivorian politicians and businessmen have rejoiced at Liberia's nightmare'. Ivorian politicians and businessmen did not only look the other way while their neighbor was being destabilized, they also physically collaborated with Taylor and other rebel groups, supplying them with weapons and allowing them and their criminal associates and networks to export their illegally acquired minerals, timber and other economic goods through Ivory Coast.</div>
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The support Taylor received from Ivory Coast and his subsequent successes in capturing large part of Liberia enabled him to sponsor the creation of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) of Sierra Leone, a rebel group whose atrocities against the civilian population has not been matched anywhere in West Africa.</div>
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However little did the Ivorian politicians and businessmen know that Liberia's security nightmare which they helped to create and profited from would one day come to haunt and hurt their country. It all began when some of the weapons the Ivorian elites helped to ship to the rebels started finding its way back into Ivory Coast. Sold on the black market, the weapons were used to commit crimes and set the stage for the crisis in Ivory Coast. La Voie, a daily newspaper in Abidjan wrote in 1995 that the negative consequence of the weapons Ivorian officials allowed into Liberia 'is the rise of crime rates thanks to the weapons we are supplying to Liberian rebels, and which are in turn sold on the Ivorian black market by these very same Liberians'.</div>
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In September 2012 Ivory Coast accused Ghana of allowing loyalists of former president Laurent Gbagbo living on its soil to overthrow the government in Abidjan. Cherif Moussa, Ivorian Army spokesman was quoted by Associate Press as saying "Our positions in Noe [the Ivorian town bordering Ghana] were attacked by gunmen coming from Ghana. In reaction, our men killed four attackers and five of them were arrested." The allegations were collaborated by a leaked UN Report in October 2012 which found that Ivorian dissidents living in Ghana have established a "strategic command" with the aim to overthrow Quattara's government. Similar allegations were made by Ivory Coast against Liberia in June 2012 after seven UN Peacekeepers were killed on the Ivorian side of Liberia-Ivorian border. Ivory Coast threatened to invade Liberia with Defense Minister Koffi Koffi saying: "These people came from the other [Liberian] side of the border. They are militias and mercenaries. We must go to the other [Liberian] side of the border to establish a security zone. We will clean up and secure the zone. This will be done, of course, with the agreement of the two countries."</div>
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However, whether the allegations of abetment of crime are true or false this is not the time for Liberia to pay back Ivory Coast for the thoughtlessness of her leaders, neither should the past sins of Ivorian politicians and businessmen provide any justification for Ghana to allow her territory to be used by dissidents to destabilize Ivory Coast as has been alleged by the UN.</div>
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As a matter of fact the continued insecurity in Ivory Coast has political, economic, diplomatic and security implications for Ghana. For example there is a higher possibility that if the insecurity in Ivory Coast worsens and if the dissidents are allowed to operate from Ghana the violence could spillover into Ghana which will put life and economic activities (including oil production) in the border area in danger. It could also harm diplomatic and bilateral trade relations between Ghana and Ivory Coast. Cooperation on a number of traditional security and non traditional security threats including weapons proliferation, terrorism, piracy, climate change, food security and other transnational threats could be harmed. Most importantly it could put on hold efforts to amicably resolve the dispute over oil and gas resources along the Ghana-Ivorian border. Ghana's image abroad as peace-loving and democratic country could also be damaged badly. The instability also has the potential to sow the seed of mistrust and suspicion between the governments in Accra and Abidjan, a situation which could harm regional integration efforts.</div>
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President John Mahama's statement in the UN in which he promised not to allow Ghana to be used as a technology to destabilize Ivory Coast is assuring. Also welcoming is the denial by Ghana's Foreign Ministry that Ghana is not supporting any group to destabilize her neighbor. These comments indicate that the government of Ghana recognizes that Ghana stands to benefit strategically from a stabled Ivory Coast than a crisis ridden neighbor.</div>
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However, the Ghanaian government must go beyond promises, pledges, assurances and denials. Accra must demonstrate that it has the intent, capability and willingness to deal with any individual or group whether Ivorian or Ghanaian who might want to exploit the Ivorian situation to their advantage. Put differently the officials of Ghana must translate their words into action by, as a matter of urgency and of necessity, swiftly deal with any Gbagbo backed elements in Ghana who might want to use the hospitality of Ghana to foment trouble in Côte d'lvoire. Every effort must be made by the Ghanaian government to deny those elements any resources: human, munitions, financial and intelligence which could enable them to carry out their diabolical plans. This will send a clear and convincing message to the Ivorian government that Accra is not in cahoots with Gbagbo supporters living in Ghana.</div>
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In this regard more aggressive screening of the Ivorian refugees living in Ghana is needed to offer protection to genuine asylum seekers while flushing out criminals hiding inside their midst. Border patrols on the Ghana side of the border should be intensified to reduce any infiltration by people hell bent on toppling the government in Abidjan. If needs be the government of Ghana should consider moving some of the ten thousand and six hundred active land forces of the Ghana Armed Forces to the regions immediately bordering Côte d'lvoire to secure the border from any infiltration by the dissidents.</div>
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Intelligence (particularly human and technological intelligence) has a major role to play to neutralize any planned effort by dissidents to establish the so called 'strategic command' in Ghana. The various security and intelligence services in Ghana including military intelligence, Bureau of National Investigations should collaborate among themselves and with their Ivorian counterparts to deny the dissidents any operational capability in Ghana.</div>
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Serious cooperation and lines of communication should be established between the political leadership in both countries to discuss ways of finding lasting solution to the Ivorian crisis. Ghana must also work closely with regional leaders and with the government in Ivory Coast to share information about activities of Ivorians living in Ghana. Also Ghana and the leadership in West Africa must encourage Quattara to have genuine reconciliation involving all the people in the country. This could bring lasting peace to Ivory Coast.</div>
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While the above are being done, President Mahama must demand full report from the security and intelligence officials whose actions and inactions might have led to the UN indictment which has greatly brought embarrassment to the country. The report should explain what the security and intelligence officials knew about the subversive activities of the 'mercenaries' and how they acted or did not act to foil the activities of the 'mercenaries' before UN indicted the country. The president should take action against officials whose negligence and failures not only led the Ivorian authorities to close their side of the border but also caused the UN to indict the country.<br /><br />The appropriate Parliamentary Select Committee(s) with oversight responsibility for the institutions charged with ensuring Ghana's security, sovereignty and territorial integrity must do their work. Answers must be demanded from the Minister of Interior, the head of National Security Council, and the National Security Coordinator regarding the alleged use of Ghana's soil for subversive activities by enemies of a foreign government.</div>
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Ghana must assure her neighbor both in words and in deeds that Ghana can be trusted when it comes to promoting peace, security and stability in their country. This is particularly important because of the economic and security impact that instability and insecurity in Ivory Coast is likely to have on Ghana.</div>
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This notwithstanding, the government of Ghana must abide by its international obligation to provide security, food and shelter to those Ivorians in Ghana who are genuine refugees and who want to seek asylum because their life might be in danger if they return.</div>
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By Lord Aikins Adusei<br />politicalthinker1@yahoo.com</div>
Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-37616311629252683732016-11-02T23:32:00.001-07:002016-11-02T23:32:53.900-07:00Ghana:True National Security comes from Genuine and Inclusive Development<div style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; line-height: 25px !important; margin-bottom: 18px !important; text-rendering: auto !important;">
The year 2012 has seen several low intensity but fatal ethnic, religious, chieftaincy and communal clashes in several parts of Ghana including between Kokombas and Bemobas in the Northern Region; Fantes and Ewes in Ekumfi Narkwah in Central Region; Muslims and Ewes in Hoehoe in the Volta Region; between Tijaniya and the Al-Sunnah religious sects in Tamale; Namoligo and Shea-Tindongo and Dorungo and Sokabisi communities in the Upper East Region; and between Fulani herdsmen and farming communities in Ashanti and Eastern Regions.</div>
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These developments have had impact on human security, local economic development, migration, and security in the regions and in the districts. For example the clash between Muslims and Ewes in Hoehoe resulted in several properties being destroyed and led to an estimated 6000 people fleeing their homes. Similarly the communal violence between Namoligo and Shea-Tindongo communities claimed four lives. Also the gun battle between the Kokombas and Bemobas claimed one life, and severely injured six people while more than hundred houses were burnt down.</div>
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The question many are asking is: what is driving the clashes and violence in the country. Though the causes of the clashes and violence are many there is no doubt that underdevelopment, economic insecurity, poverty and inequality; social and economic exclusion of some social groups are suspect. Also implicated are the uneven development between the regions in the north and those in the south and the competition for resources such as land, minerals and water by different interest groups. Additionally, the failure of the state to honour its social contract with the people, to provide them with economic and social goods, has a critical role in driving the conflicts. A more important factor is the naked greed and the penchant of politicians, their politically connected allies, traditional rulers, and state bureaucrats to accumulate the nation's wealth and to appropriate the benefits of economic growth to themselves.</div>
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Undoubtedly Ghana has made progress economically relative to its West African neighbours (see the table below). Politically Ghana continues to be an island of peace in a neighbourhood full of political and social turbulence. However, there are a lot of questions about the quality and character of the progress Ghana has made, particularly that of socio-economic development. Ghana for example is no where near its contemporaries in Asia regarding industrialisation, economic development, poverty reduction and social advancement.</div>
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The huge mismatch between housing demand and supply; the perennial water and gas shortages; frequent electricity disruptions; the non-collection of garbage from the streets and the associated frequent cholera outbreaks; and the slow pace of infrastructural development including the non-functioning of the railway sector are examples of how Ghana has stagnated since the mid-1960s. The lack of efficient utilisation of human capital and labour particularly the unemployment and underemployment of tertiary graduates amply illustrate the state of development in the country.</div>
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Besides, the long period it takes for citizens to receive services such as passports, birth certificates and pension benefits and the corruption associated with them is a reflection of the state of development of the country. Last week the Ghana News Agency quoted Mrs. Esi Amoaful of Ghana Health Service as saying that about 12,000 children die of food and nutritional related diseases every year. Besides it has now become ritual that every year 150,000 Junior High School graduates (the size of the population of Cape Coast) join the wagon of semi-literate, low-skilled, unemployed force in the country.</div>
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In fact as evidenced from the table above, socio-economic development, which are the most worrying problems facing Ghana have not been prioritised and courageously confronted with clear and unambiguous policies and programmes. More dangerous is the indifference of policymakers and lack of political vision to formulate a comprehensive national economic policy and effective strategy to turn the fortunes of the country around and to positively impact its people.</div>
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As a result socio-economic development and the associated opportunities such as job security, food security, water security, health security, energy security, and access to high quality education, medicines and housing are far removed from majority of the people. The existence of these problems together with poverty, illiteracy, social inequality, urbanisation, chieftaincy disputes, ethnic, religious, and communal rivalries are undermining security at the local, regional and even at the national level.</div>
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By ignoring economic and social development of the people especially the youth, Ghana is slowly setting itself on the path of insecurity. The evidence of this is not only the ethnic and communal clashes that have become rampant this year, but the daily report of armed robberies taking place in cities, towns, communities, and on the country's highways. Over the past two weeks the following armed robbery headlines have appeared on www.myjoyonline.com: “Chairman of Public Accounts Committee of Parliament robbed”; “Armed robbers in mass highway robbery, close to 20 vehicles involved”; “Abelenkpe, Dzowulu residents terrorised by armed gangs”; “Armed attacks: Dansoman residents worried over police inertia”. These armed robberies have direct relationship with lack of economic security and employment opportunities for the people. They show that the lack of economic security is slowly opening the doors for crimes to the extent that even public officials are not safe.</div>
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In other words there is a strong correlation between lack of development and the armed robberies and recent ethnic, religious, chieftaincy and communal clashes in the country. The development-induced clashes are in line with the notion that equitable, just and inclusive development not only increase a country's security, but also lead to lasting peace and stability. As we have seen increasingly in Nigeria, Ivory Coast and Mali, countries that take care of all their people not only tend to be stable, but they also tend to enjoy long periods of peace and stability and are not characterised by conflict and civil strife. Put differently the long term security of any country (Ghana included) is linked to the safety, dignity, welfare and wellbeing of all her citizens. In other words the absence of development (job security, income security, food security, water security, energy security, health security, education) acts as a trigger for armed robberies, conflicts, instability, social turmoil and general insecurity.</div>
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President Obama echoed these issues in December 2009, during his Nobel Peace Prize acceptance speech in Oslo, Norway noting that: “It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine they need to survive. It [security] does not exist where children cannot aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. The absence of hope can rot a society from within”.</div>
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Thus politicians and policymakers who understand the inextricable relationship between development and security always aspire to meet the immediate and long term physical and material needs of the people. They create opportunities for all the citizens, providing them with capabilities, assets and the enabling environment that allow them as Frances Stewart of Oxford University puts it, 'to lead longer, healthier and fuller lives' free from financial poverty, economic misery and from every kind of want, fear and threats including joblessness, homelessness, illiteracy, ignorance, diseases, crimes, danger, food, water, health and energy insecurity.</div>
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In the case of Ghana the presence of socio-economic problems are acting as points of frustrations, depleting the tolerance and patience of the people. The collective effects are the armed robberies and the fatal ethnic, religious, chieftaincy and communal clashes that surfaced in several parts of the country this year.</div>
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It indicates that if nothing is done to aggressively address them not only will our MPs and public officials not be safe, but the long term stability, peace and security of the country may be compromised. Put differently while investing in the latest military and police hardware could contribute to insuring security and safety of Ghanaians, the cheapest way to avoid armed robberies, ethnic, communal and religious conflicts and instability is through genuine and inclusive development i.e. development that provides economic security for all Ghanaians and bridges inequality between regions, districts, and all the social classes.</div>
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This therefore calls for inclusive economic growth where the benefits of economic growth as well as revenues from resources such as oil, gold, timber and other resources are equitably distributed to ensure that the material welfare of all Ghanaians is improved. Thus we need to prioritise the security of the people, not only their safety but also their dignity, welfare and well-being. The task however should not be left to the politicians alone. Closer collaboration between politicians, bureaucrats, universities, the private sector and civil society is importantly needed.</div>
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By Lord Aikins Adusei, politicalthinker1@yahoo.com<br />5 October, 2012</div>
Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-79708525415320712892016-11-02T23:27:00.001-07:002016-11-02T23:27:19.178-07:00POVERTY AND TERRORISM: A LESSON FOR GHANA<div style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 16px; line-height: 25px !important; margin-bottom: 18px !important; text-rendering: auto !important;">
One of the major challenges confronting Africa today is how to tame or reverse the tide of terrorism sweeping across the continent. There is a strong belief among policymakers that terrorism in Africa is largely the product of economic hardship, poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, corruption, alienation and economic, social and political marginalisation and dispossession of the masses. For example on 15 November 2001, two months after the 9/11 attacks, Susan E. Rice, the current Obama Administration's top Security Adviser told the Congress' Subcommittee on Africa that:</div>
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'Africa is the world's soft under-belly for global terrorism...Much of Africa is a veritable incubator for the foot soldiers of terrorism. Its poor, overwhelmingly young, disaffected, unhealthy and under-educated populations often have no stake in government, no faith in the future and harbor an easily exploitable discontent with the status quo. For such people, in such places, nihilism is as natural a response to their circumstances as self-help. Violence and crime may be at least as attractive as hard work. Perhaps that is part of the reason why we have seen an increase in recent years in the number of African nationals engaged in international terrorism...Al-Qaeda and other terrorist cells are active throughout East, Southern and West Africa, not to mention in North Africa. These organizations hide throughout Africa. They plan, finance, train for and execute terrorist operations in many parts of Africa, not just Sudan and Somalia. They seek uranium, chemical weapons components and the knowledge of renegade nuclear, chemical and biological weapons experts. Terrorist organizations take advantage of Africa's porous borders, weak law enforcement and security services and nascent judicial institutions to move men, weapons and money around the globe. They take advantage of poor, disillusioned populations, often with religious or ethnic grievances, to recruit for their jihad' (Rice, 2001).</div>
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In 2004 Chris Mullin as UK Foreign Office Minister, pointed out in a speech in New York, USA that "the problems of terrorism [in Africa] are inextricably connected to Africa's other problems“... "The factors which sustain and feed terrorist networks and activity [in Africa]... stem from a complex relationship between geography, institutional weakness, corruption, poor borders, economic and social issues, radicalisation and alienation, and simple opportunity” (Mullin, 2004).</div>
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However, the poverty, unemployment and illiteracy that drive African youths to embrace terrorism in Nigeria, Niger, Mali, Sudan, Egypt, Algeria, Kenya, Somalia, Tanzania and Mauritania among others are the product of another issue: The Bad African Politics. As Jakkie Cilliers of the Institute of Security Studies, South Africa has observed:</div>
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'African politics easily degenerates into a life-and-death struggle over private access to limited public resources; the zero-sum nature of the struggle compels would-be political leaders to obtain material benefits in order to wield influence over followers and competitors. Accordingly what all African states share is a generalised system of patrimony and an acute degree of apparent disorder, as evidenced by a high level of governmental and administrative inefficiency, a lack of institutionalisation, a general disregard for the rules of formal political and economic sectors, and a universal resort to personalised and vertical solutions to societal problems'.</div>
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In this zero-sum game politics, helping the masses to climb out of poverty isn't the priority of the politicians. Once they are in power the politicians quickly forget about the electorate and rather work hard to monopolise national resources and use it for their personal gain. As has been argued by Hussein Solomon of University of the Free State, South Africa:</div>
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'Part of the reason for the conflict-ridden nature of African polities is that a tiny elite has often been allowed to monopolise the wealth of the nations giving precious little back to ordinary citizens. President Mobutu Sese Seko's rule (1965-1997) of the former Zaire is perhaps the quintessential example of this. For his entire 32-year rule, Mobutu and his kleptocratic coterie gave his hapless citizens little more than an ill-disciplined and predatory military rule while spending practically nothing on public health and educational services'.</div>
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The danger is that because politicians refuse to address the extreme poverty facing the people, the poverty quickly gives way to grievances. The grievances when they mature also metamorphose into secession, violence, ethnic-religious conflict and terrorism. In the last three decades for example Africa has experienced an increase of secessionist movements which has already desintegrated Ethiopia and Sudan and may as well dismember Libya, Mali and Nigeria. The reason is that poverty and marginalisation of the masses from the largesse of the state by the tiny political elite and their cronies usually force the marginalised to take extreme measures in order to secure their share of the national resources. In Mali and Niger for example poverty has served as a major motivational factor for both terrorism and secession by the Tuareg people who have complained about poverty, neglect, and marginalisation. In Mali for instance, while the poverty rate averaged 64% of the population in 2004, the figure was much higher in the Tuareg dominated north: Timbuktu had a poverty rate of 77%, Gao had 78.7% and Kidal had an astonishing 92%. It is these conditions of poverty and despair that led Tuareg to join forces with the terrorist group Ansar Dine to battle the government in Bamako in 2012 for the creation of Azawad/homeland for the Tuareg people.</div>
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Poverty has been a driving force for terrorism in Nigeria. Since oil was discovered in the late 1950s the country has earned more than $350 billion and continues to earn about $74 billion a year but a tiny elite of top civil servants, military and civilian regimes have plundered the money leaving very little for the people who live on one dollar a day. As Hussein Solomon of University of the Free State, South Africa points out:</div>
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'Despite soaring oil prices benefiting the Nigerian state, the growing impoverishment of the citizenry stands in sharp contrast to the growing wealth of the political elite, and perceptions of endemic corruption. Since the end of military rule in 1999, Nigerian politicians have reportedly embezzled between US$4 billion and US$8 billion per annum. At a time when Nigeria's oil revenues are in excess of US$74 billion per annum, more than half of Nigerians live on less than $1 a day and four out of 10 Nigerians are unemployed'.</div>
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Cyril Obi, one of Nigeria's respected political scientists observes that:</div>
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'Apart from being Africa's largest oil producer and exporter, Nigeria is also a producer of natural gas, accounting for an estimated output of 22 million tonnes per year. Natural gas exports account for about $4 billion worth of earnings annually. Most of the natural gas is produced from the Niger Delta or its coastal waters. However, this oil- and gas-rich region that generates billions of dollars worth of revenues and profits annually is also paradoxically one of the least developed and conflict-ridden parts of Nigeria'</div>
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In the absence of economic opportunities for the average Nigerian, jihadist groups such as Boko Haram and Ansaru with radical Islamic ideologies have found fertile ground in the country's north, recruiting the youth and radicalising them to carry out act of terrorism against the state. According to Thomas Fessy of the BBC, Boko Haram pays more than $3000 to each new recruit. As a result the ranks of the terror group have been swelled by thousands of destitute young men from even Niger who are willing to swap their poverty and joblessness with terrorism and death. A group of poor and jobless youths told Thomas Fessy of BBC: "We break into houses for cash; sometimes we beat people for money, we steal their animals so we can eat and then we gather up and take Tramol [an opiate drug], smoke ganja [marijuana] and drink alcohol...We have no jobs; some of us are still at high school but we need money. Violence has become a form of work for us...They [Boko Haram] have paid 500,000 Nigerian naira ($3,085, £1,835) to those of us who followed them over there" (See BBC documentary headlined: 'Niger hit by Nigeria's Boko Haram fallout' April 22, 2014).</div>
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The same poverty was responsible for the insurgency that took place in the Niger Delta between 1999 and 2009. Many of the youth sensing that they had been deceived by the politicians, after billions of dollars' worth of oil and gas was taken from their land without any direct benefit, began to agitate for greater control of their natural wealth as well the revenue accrued from the exploitation of those resources. When the government-corporate alliance failed to address their concerns, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) and other ethnic militias embarked on armed rebellion, destroying and sabotaging oil and gas pipelines, flow stations, kidnapping oil workers and killing security officers sent to confront them. This is one of the reasons why Nigeria cannot supply gas to Ghana through the West African Gas Pipeline.</div>
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Poverty therefore is a major driver for terrorism in Africa. In the just ended Fifa World Cup in Brazil the international media (BBC, Al Jazeera) reported embarrassing news about 200 Ghanaians who had sought asylum with the Brazilian government claiming to be fleeing religious persecution. According to media reports the asylum seekers claimed their life would be in danger if they returned to Ghana. While the claim of the people to be fleeing massive religious conflict is totally false, it cannot be denied that those claiming asylum are in fact fleeing poverty, economic hardship, unemployment, inequality, underdevelopment, neglect, dispossession, and economic and social marginalisation.</div>
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Some policymakers, security experts and political scientists have rubbished the idea that Ghana might go the way of Nigeria if the poverty of the people is not addressed. They argue that Ghanaians are not so enthusiastic about shedding blood and radicalisation may be difficult to take root because the Muslim population in the country follow a moderate form of Islam. The danger of such argument is that it continues to give the politicians in the country a license not to do anything about the suffering of the people. On the larger note the argument that Ghanaians are not blood spilling people holds no water if one considers the ethnic and chieftaincy conflicts in the north that has claimed the lives of thousands of people including Ya-Na Yakubu Andani II of Dagbon and Naa Dasana Andani the Paramount Chief of the Nanumba Traditional Area.</div>
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The truth is that the high poverty levels and economic hardship facing Ghanaians are increasing their agitation against the ruling elite. The July demonstration by the Occupy Flagstaff House group; the two month old strike action by POTAG; chiefs in Western region fighting Ghana Gas Company over land compensation; 817 highly skilled Ghanaian professionals renouncing their citizenship; the increasing fatal armed robberies are all signs that the country is slowly slipping into something that resembles Nigeria's Niger Delta.</div>
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To prevent Ghanaians from embracing terrorism or any form of political violence, the swamps of poverty, unemployment, illiteracy, and corruption must be drained. And to quote Dr. Susan Rice 'we must do so for the cold, hard reason that to do otherwise, we place our national security at further and more permanent risk. We must do so out of realpolitik recognition that our long-term security depends on it'. To drain these swamps, we must invest in education and healthcare of the people. We must build roads and rail infrastructures to connect our cities and rural areas to speed up development. We must industrialise by building and expanding our energy infrastructures to take advantage of Ghana's huge untapped natural resources. We must increase trade, investment and promote economic growth. We must strengthen state institutions to deliver better, efficient and high quality public goods to the citizens. And we must at all cost fight to end endemic corruption in the country.</div>
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Without progress on these fronts we should expect the international brotherhood of terror groups (made up of Al Qaeda, AQIM, Boko Haram, Ansaru, MUJWA, ISIS and future such enemies) to infiltrate communities in Ghana to recruit and radicalise the youth to engage in local or international terrorism.</div>
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Reference<br />Cilliers, J. (2003) 'Terrorism and Africa', Africa Security Review, Volume 12, Issue 4, p. 98.</div>
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Fessy, T. (2014) 'Niger hit by Nigeria's Boko Haram fallout' April 22, 2014 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-27111884</div>
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Mullin, C. (2004) 'Chris Mullin 2004 Speech on Africa' http://www.ukpolitics.org.uk/node/4359</div>
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Obi, C. (2009) 'Nigeria's Niger Delta: Understanding the Complex Drivers of Violent Oilrelated<br />Conflict,' Africa Development, Nov. 2, 2009, pp. 106-107;</div>
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Solomon, H. (2013) 'The African state and the failure of US counterterrorism initiatives in Africa: The cases of Nigeria and Mali' South African Journal of International Affairs, Volume 20, Issue3, pp. 427-445</div>
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Rice, S. (2001) 'September 11, 2001: Attack on America Testimony of Dr. Susan E. Rice Before the House International Relations Committee Subcommittee on Africa - "Africa and the War on Global Terrorism"; November 15, 200. http://avalon.law.yale.edu/sept11/susan_rice_001.asp</div>
Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-42205126624908027812012-08-23T15:08:00.000-07:002012-08-23T17:02:25.181-07:00Insurgency in Northern Mali: Diplomacy or Counterinsurgency?<div class="post-header">
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">By Lord Aikins Adusei</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"></span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">The recent take over of <st1:place w:st="on">Northern Mali</st1:place> by </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">and Al Qaeda franchise groups such Ansar Dine and Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) present difficult challenge to the civilian and military leadership in <st1:place w:st="on">West Africa</st1:place>. There is no question that AQIM working closely with Ansar Dine would use their new trophy i.e. northern Mali not only as a supermarket for terrorism but also to fuel kidnapping, drug trafficking and other contraband activities in the Sahel region and beyond. Therefore</span><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT; font-size: 11pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT; mso-hansi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">allowing them to use the region as a safe haven for terrorism and their criminal enterprise could worsen Mali’s security problems </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">and threaten the already shaky stability in neighbouring countries of Algeria, Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Guinea, Mauritania, and Niger</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">. At the same time a counterinsurgency offensive on the part of ECOWAS to dislodge the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">MNLA</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"> rebels and Ansar Dine could trigger multiplier effects that ECOWAS might not be ready for. It is a serious dilemma that needs to be approached with extreme caution. </span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">In formulating a proper response to the Malian problem, the leadership in <st1:place w:st="on">West Africa</st1:place> should be guided by lessons in <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Somalia</st1:place></st1:country>where efforts to root out Al Shabaab have remained not only elusive but to a larger extent have been counterproductive: spreading terrorism to <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Uganda</st1:place></st1:country> and <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Kenya</st1:place></st1:country>. More lessons could be drawn from the <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country>experience in fighting the Taliban and Al Qaeda in <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Afghanistan</st1:place></st1:country>. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Paul Scharre, former officer of the U.S. 75th Ranger Regiment and the author of “A More Agile Pentagon” observes that the Afghan war was initially conducted with a “shock and awe” strategy using light and fast vehicles but that soon changed to the use of heavily armoured vehicles as </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">Taliban and Al Qaeda </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">began using </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">improvised explosive devices (IEDs)</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">and roadside bombs to destroy convoys, road clearance vehicles and even the most potent of the coalition armoured vehicles with impressive results and with strategic consequences for the U.S. led coalition. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">NATO, with its well trained 150,000 strong fighters and overwhelmingly superior capabilities, in addition to 305,000 Afghan Police</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> and Armed Forces </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">could not easily win the war against the battle-hardened, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">religiously and ideologically entrenched </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">Al Qaeda and Taliban fighters. A change in both strategy and leadership on the part of U.S.-- including a 30,000 troop surge in 2009-2010-- did not overwhelmingly alter the battle environment in favour of the coalition forces. In the end <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country>began to engage the Taliban in dialogue for a negotiated political settlement. In June 2011, after ten years in <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Afghanistan</st1:place></st1:country> and hundreds of billions of dollars spent in the war effort, President Barack Obama announced that he was bringing the <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country>troops home telling Americans “it is time to focus on nation building here at home”. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">President Obama's announcement was made in spite of the obvious fact that <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Afghanistan</st1:place></st1:country>is still unstable. While writing this piece report came in that the Taliban on <st1:date day="20" month="9" w:st="on" year="2012">Monday August 20, 2012</st1:date>shot and damaged the parked plane of General Martin Dempsey, the top-most officer in the <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">U.S.</st1:place></st1:country>military. The attack came months after U.S. Defence Secretary Leone Panetta was made a target of a suicide attack in mid-March 2012 while on a visit to <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:placetype w:st="on">Camp</st1:placetype> <st1:placename w:st="on">Bastion</st1:placename></st1:place>in <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Afghanistan</st1:place></st1:country>. It is highly uncertain what will happen in Afghanistan when the troops leave, however the U.S. willingness to engage the Taliban in dialogue for a political settlement is a major lesson that ECOWAS’ political and military leaders could learn from. In other words ECOWAS’ leaders should hesitate in launching counter offensive against the insurgents and give diplomacy a chance while keeping the military option on the table.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">There are several reasons why ECOWAS must give diplomacy a chance. First AQIM, Ansar Dine and the MNLA rebels are not only unconventional fighting force that respect no rules of engagement but are also heavily armed and could put up stiff resistance to ECOWAS' counterinsurgency efforts. This means that combined with the difficult and hostile <st1:place w:st="on">Sahara</st1:place>environment, it will be difficult to completely defeat them. The war could in fact drag on for years if not decades as pointed out by James Thomas Snyder author of “Counterinsurgency Vocabulary and Strategic Success” who notes that modern counterinsurgency warfare usually last between 12 and 15 years. Going by this it implies that ECOWAS will find it difficult to conduct and sustain a war that will last for 12 or 15 years especially given other serious threats in the sub region such as maritime piracy in the Gulf of Guinea, terrorism in Nigeria, fragile stability in Ivory Coast and narcotics trafficking that equally need human, financial and material resources to confront them.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Besides, counterinsurgency like any other war could be humanly costly. AQIM, Ansar Dine and MNLA may use guerrilla tactics; hide inside the populations living in the Gao, Kidal and <st1:city w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Timbuktu</st1:place></st1:city> thereby making it harder for ECOWAS’Forces to root them out. Attempt to attack the insurgents in the towns could lead to high civilian casualties which could be exploited by the insurgents to make the counterinsurgency unpopular among the population. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">Additionally, a counterinsurgency could also worsen the already bad humanitarian situation in the north of the country. So far about 500,000 people are known to have fled their homes, additional 250,000 are internally displaced while a quarter of a million more live in refugee camps. More people could be forced to flee and the complicated food, water and health security situation could get worse. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Moreover, as it is common with many wars, the counterinsurgency environment can change very quickly with unpredictable outcomes. The insurgents could adapt to counterinsurgency offensive and even change the environment in their favour. They may decide to extend their activities to relatively stable areas in <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Mali</st1:place></st1:country>and even to neighbouring countries. This is exactly what Al Shabaab did in <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Uganda</st1:place></st1:country> on <st1:date day="11" month="7" w:st="on" year="2010">11 July 2010</st1:date> when they killed more than 85 people who had gathered to watch the FIFA World Cup that was underway in <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">South Africa</st1:place></st1:country>.<st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Kenya</st1:place></st1:country>has come under similar attacks from Al Shabaab and Boko Haram recently extended its activities to states in the middle belt of <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Nigeria</st1:place></st1:country>.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">More problematic is the financial situation in the ECOWAS region. ECOWAS countries, like the rest of the countries worldwide, are cash trapped due to the global financial and economic downturn. Governments in <st1:place w:st="on"><st1:city w:st="on">West Africa</st1:city>, <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on">United States</st1:country></st1:place>and <st1:place w:st="on">Europe</st1:place> are implementing austerity budget and struggling to stay afloat. Launching a war against the insurgents will not only require men but also money and military capabilities. Sending poorly equipped 3,500 fighting force to a region as big as France or U.S. state of Texas will be similar to repeating what the Malian government did when it sent soldiers </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">with poor morale, leadership shortcomings and limited capabilities </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">to confront the heavily armed insurgents, </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">resulting in the lightening victory for the insurgents</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"> </span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhGQcTQl45cU7C8sC1x9yUa3QPzhDotzcm5fIy-TvW4lZ1c3ECfqjNmQuz9gNzJ4OREzRq_JHILZqhpfEudQqWiqob_lgQDPsCMyQpUITG9Utc_MwgbHiXyOnvrJ97khvoLdgaxBdLJZLlk/s1600/120406-azawad2-230a_photoblog600.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="428" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhGQcTQl45cU7C8sC1x9yUa3QPzhDotzcm5fIy-TvW4lZ1c3ECfqjNmQuz9gNzJ4OREzRq_JHILZqhpfEudQqWiqob_lgQDPsCMyQpUITG9Utc_MwgbHiXyOnvrJ97khvoLdgaxBdLJZLlk/s640/120406-azawad2-230a_photoblog600.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: SV;"><v:shapetype coordsize="21600,21600" filled="f" id="_x0000_t75" o:preferrelative="t" o:spt="75" path="m@4@5l@4@11@9@11@9@5xe" stroked="f"><v:stroke joinstyle="miter"><v:formulas><v:f eqn="if lineDrawn pixelLineWidth 0"><v:f eqn="sum @0 1 0"><v:f eqn="sum 0 0 @1"><v:f eqn="prod @2 1 2"><v:f eqn="prod @3 21600 pixelWidth"><v:f eqn="prod @3 21600 pixelHeight"><v:f eqn="sum @0 0 1"><v:f eqn="prod @6 1 2"><v:f eqn="prod @7 21600 pixelWidth"><v:f eqn="sum @8 21600 0"><v:f eqn="prod @7 21600 pixelHeight"><v:f eqn="sum @10 21600 0"></v:f></v:f></v:f></v:f></v:f></v:f></v:f></v:f></v:f></v:f></v:f></v:f></v:formulas><v:path gradientshapeok="t" o:connecttype="rect" o:extrusionok="f"><o:lock aspectratio="t" v:ext="edit"></o:lock></v:path></v:stroke></v:shapetype></span></o:p></span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Heavily armed Tuareg rebels and Ansar Dine control key northern cities of Gao, Kidal, <st1:city w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Timbuktu</st1:place></st1:city></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">In other words undertaking a counterinsurgency that could be </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">lengthy and costly, in a financially weak-region, and in a </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">global economy that is still struggling to recover </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">definitely needs deep thinking and a deeper reflection.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"> General Martin Dempsey, Chairman of U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff recently cautioned that the complexities of modern warfare particularly counterinsurgency require “leaders who do not think linearly, but who instead seek to understand the complexity of problems before seeking to solve them”. This means that politicians and military leaders in ECOWAS seeking solution for <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Mali</st1:place></st1:country> should understand the situation before prescribing any solution.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Lieutenant General William B. Caldwell IV, commanding general of the NATO Training Mission in Afghanistan and Captain Nathan K. Finney in an article titled “Security, Capacity and Literacy” published in the journal<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘Military Review’ in 2011 opined that “</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">conventional military weapons alone will not win” the war against AQIM, Ansar Dine and the Tuareg rebels. Similarly </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Tony Blair in a speech on <st1:date day="12" month="1" w:st="on" year="2007">January 12, 2007</st1:date> observed that “Terrorism cannot be defeated by military means alone”.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">This suggests that there are other weapons that in addition to dialogue could be used to defeat the insurgents. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>One such weapon is the use of intelligence. Intelligence could be beefed up in the region controlled by the insurgents.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> This</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"> </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">could help ECOWAS to know the mind of the insurgents, their strategy, tactics, their movements, weapons and their operational capabilities. Intelligence could also help to identify the leadership of the insurgent for special attention and to counter their propaganda. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">In his book “The War within”, Bob Woodward observed that the strategy of using accurate intelligence to conduct precision raids, targeting insurgent leaders helped to turn the tide in <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country>. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Abu Musab al-Zarqawi and the threats he and other Al Qaeda leaders posed in <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Iraq</st1:place></st1:country></span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"> were removed with the help of intelligence.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> Thus intelligence fusion and precision raiding focusing strongly on the leadership of insurgent could weaken the terror group’s ability to mount effective response. I</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">ntelligence </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">could also</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">limit damage and bloodshed and unnecessary civilian casualties. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Although Ansar Dine may quickly replace their captured or killed leaders, the new leaders may lack experience and skill which will affect their decision making and ability to wage a sustained war. Intelligence could also help to dismantle the drug trafficking, kidnapping and other criminal activities that serve as a key source of funding for the insurgents. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Also a strategy could be adopted to divide the front of the insurgents. There are two broad groups involved in the insurgency in northern <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Mali</st1:place></st1:country>: Tuareg rebels and Ansar Dine. The Tuareg rebels are fighting for a homeland while the Ansar Dine is religiously fanatical organisation with links to AQIM that is seeking a haven to implement terror agenda in northern <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Mali</st1:place></st1:country>. In other words the Tuareg rebels and Ansar Dine have different objectives when it comes ruling their captured territory. ECOWAS could exploit the deep differences the two groups have. For example ECOWAS could isolate Ansar Dine by talking to Tuareg rebels and working with them to implement the terms of the agreement they signed with the government in 2006. Energy then could be directed at AQIM and Ansar Dine.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">Working with local leaders and improving governance could serve ECOWAS well. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Local leaders could be of strategic value to ECOWAS’ forces regarding intelligence, and mobilising the people against the insurgents. Mark F. Cancian, a former Colonel in the U.S. Marine Corps Reserve, notes that in the Iraqi province of Al Anbar it was the involvement of the local leaders ‘Awakening sheiks’ </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">that turned the war in U.S. favour in late 2006 and early 2007.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Similarly addressing poverty, inequality and underdevelopment in northern <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Mali</st1:place></st1:country> could strategically tilt the hearts and minds of the population away from</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"> MNLA and Ansar Dine</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">. By all account northern <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Mali</st1:place></st1:country> is relatively poor compared to the </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">south of the country. The lack of development combined with minimal government presence undoubtedly contributed in the takeover of the region by MNLA, AQIM and Ansar Dine. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Thus improving</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"> food security, water, energy and health security and general infrastructure such as roads, education, irrigation and housing in northern <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Mali</st1:place></st1:country>could win the population over to the ECOWAS and alienate the insurgents. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">More crucial is building the capabilities of the Malian Police to provide security for the civilian population. The Police having operated in the cities in the north for years may know the leadership of the insurgents, where they live and could therefore provide useful information for their arrest. Building the capabilities of <st1:country -region="-region" w:st="on"><st1:place w:st="on">Mali</st1:place></st1:country>’s 7000 poorly equipped and poorly remunerated soldiers and restoring the soldiers’ morale could tilt the balance of power in ECOWAS favour should full scale counterinsurgency become the last resort. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">In other words </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">security must go hand in hand with governance and development. </span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;">The three are what</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"> Bruce Hoffman and Seth G. Jones</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-font-family: TimesNewRomanPSMT;"> have termed “the holy trinity of counterinsurgency”.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="mso-ansi-language: EN-US;">Lord Aikins Adusei, politicalthinker1@yahoo.com<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-11371490956783731822012-07-27T01:12:00.002-07:002012-07-27T01:12:24.193-07:00Ghanaians still in shock over Mills’ death<br />
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<span style="color: #6e6e6e; font-family: arial, verdana, tahoma, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; letter-spacing: normal; line-height: 20px;">From Sebastian R. Freiku and Issah Alhassan, Kumasi</span>
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<img alt="" class="alignleft size-full wp-image-46312" height="250" src="http://ghanaian-chronicle.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/Prof-Mills-taking-the-Oath-of-Office-at-his-swearing-in-ceremony-as-President-of-the-Republic-of-Ghana.jpg" style="border: 1px solid rgb(170, 170, 170); float: left; margin: 5px 10px 0px 0px; outline: 0px; padding: 2px; vertical-align: baseline;" width="250" /><br /><span style="background-color: white;">The death of His Excellency John Evans Atta Mills has come as a shock to many residents in Kumasi, the Ashanti Regional capital.</span></div>
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A few minutes after the rumour started, specifically from the social media platform like Facebook, about the sudden death of the President, many approached the information with cautious belief, with some speculating it was one of the usual buzzes that often surfaced about the late President.<br />Calls were made to friends, relatives and particularly the regional office of The Chronicle, seeking confirmation of the rumour about the demise of the President.<br />By 3 p.m. when it became apparent that the President was indeed dead, the mood and atmosphere in the Metropolis changed to that of sadness and sorrow.<br />While many immediately expressed dismay at the news, particularly considering the fact that the President recently arrived from medical check-up from the United States feeling healthier, others did not hide the fact that the leadership of government was the cause of the death of the late President.<br />Barely a day after the sad event, most people, particularly the self employed, who were in a moody situation and clad in mourning apparel took yesterday off their normal duties to mourn the late President in silence throughout the day.<br />Many public and private functions, which were scheduled to take place yesterday, were also canceled because of the sudden news of the death of the President. From drinking joints, lorry stations and inside commercial vehicles, the death of the President became the topic for discussion, with people expressing divergent views about circumstances that must have led to his sudden demise.<br />Some were of the opinion that the power brokers in government should have told the whole public the truth about the President’s health status, rather than keeping it secret, while others also said it was prudent security-wise, for the public to have been kept in the dark about the health condition of the late President. The paper has been speaking to some key political figures and personalities who have had association with the late President and his government.<br />The ex-Nifahen of the Mfantseman Council in the Ashanti Region, and an opinion leader in the Mfantseman community in Kumasi, Nana Ninsin-Imbeah II, said the whole Mfantse community in Kumasi was distressed by the news of the death of one of their own.<br />“I became speechless when I heard the news, the whole of today I have not gone out, I have not been able to go to work because I am still in shock,” Nana Imbeah lamented.<br />He observed that though he was privy to the unfortunate health status of someone who he said he had association with, he did not know that death was going to visit him so soon.<br />“We were expecting that at least the President would live to contest this year’s elections, but it was never to be,” Nana Imbeah bewailed and expressed the hope that the state protocol will put the necessary arrangements in place for the state to mourn and give him a befitting burial and funeral.<br />The former District Chief Executive of Sekyere East, Mr. Kwadwo Addae, said he could not believe his ears when he heard the news and had to do several calls to top rank government officials for confirmation.<br />He said the entire Sekyere East district and other adjoining towns were in a shock when the news broke.<br />Giving his personal testimony about the late President, Mr. Adae said he would fondly remember the late President for his humility and the fact that he gave him the opportunity to serve in his government.<br />A founding member of the opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP), Mr. George Ayisi-Boateng, said he was equally flustered when he heard the news of the President’s death. He said though he was a political opponent, he never wished that this should happen to the President, the NDC or the entire country.<br />“Death is not a good thing but God knows best, we wish he had stayed, but what God has arranged, man can do nothing about it,” he noted.<br />The NPP founding member said he was not, however, happy with the way leadership of government and top officials decided to deceive Ghanaians with the health status of the late President.<br />Mr. Ayisi-Boateng expressed the hope that the death of the President will unite the country and forge us ahead towards peace and tranquility in the upcoming elections.<br />The chairman of the erstwhile UK-based Ghana Democratic Movement (GDM), Mr. Alex Asabre, currently on short holidays in Ghana, expressed his heartfelt condolences to the bereaved family and wife of the late Prof. Mills, who he described as a great man.<br />Nana Karikari Appau II, Omanhene of Bekwai Traditional Area, noted that the untimely death of the late President was shocking and hoped Prof. Mills, who stood for peace, sincerity and honesty would be accorded a fitting funeral in his honour. He consoled with the family and urged the government to maintain the peace and unity of the people.<br />Mr. Patrick Adu Gyamfi, Bekwai NPP Constituency chairman and his executives have called on the local NDC constituency chairman, NDC constituency executives and the Bekwai Municipal Chief Executive to express sympathies of the NPP on the death of the President.<br />From the Afigya Kwabre district, Simmons Yussif Kewura reports that Mr. Badu Adu Boahene, Suame NPP constituency chairman was shocked at the death of President Mills. He said Prof. Mills was a good leader by all standards, and that his death was a great loss to the nation. He said the late President would be remembered for his humility.<br />An NDC activist, Stephen Osei Owusu, who could not control himself, said the death of the law Professor was very painful.<br />Mr. Mohammed Loni, Kronum branch Organizer of the NDC said as painful as the news is, Ghanaians should take consolation in the fact that death is imminent. He said President Mills took Ghana on the path of development through his Better Ghana Agenda and hoped President Mahama can continue where his former boss left off and win the 2012 elections for the NDC.<br />Meanwhile, Ernest Best Anane, reports that the National House of Chiefs yesterday postponed its second general meeting to mourn with the people of Ghana, the wife and family of the late President of the Republic of Ghana, after His Excellency J.E.A. Mills passed away on Tuesday.<br />Prof. Naa S. Nabila, President of the National House of Chiefs, on behalf of the traditional authorities of Ghana expressed condolences to all the people of Ghana, especially the wife and family of President J. E. A. Mills.<br />The Standing Committee of the National House of Chiefs stated that the committee received the devastating news of the President’s death during their meeting in Kumasi.<br />The Committee recalled with nostalgia how only four weeks ago (on June 29, 2012) the members of the Standing Committee had the opportunity to call on President Mills to welcome him back home, after his return from the United States, where he had undergone medical check-up, and to wish him good health.<br />The National House of Chiefs expressed appreciation to Prof. Mills for responding to their appeal by contributing GH¢500,000.00 as seed capital for the establishment of House of Chiefs Endowment Fund endowment fund.<br />By his death, “Ghana has indeed lost a great statesman”, the chiefs emphasized, saying that since he was sworn-in as President in January 2009, “he (President Mills) worked so much, and worked so hard, to ensure the continued peace and stability for the development of the country.”<br />Northern Region<br />From Tamale Edmond Gyebi, reports that the former Vice President, Alhaji Aliu Mahama has asked Ghanaians living in and outside Ghana to see the sudden demise of the late President, John Evans Atta Mills as “national disaster” and offer their support to the bereaved family.<br />He described the Late Professor as father and mentor for many Ghanaians, and thus his untimely death was a big blow to Ghana, and more especially his family and the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC).<br />Speaking in an interview with The Chronicle, the former Vice President said he was deeply shocked and could not do anything than to stand in awe for minutes, immediately the news got to him about the death of the President.<br />“Even though I and many Ghanaians were aware that he was not well for sometime now, I least expected him to join his ancestors so soon. But all the same, I send my condolence to the Widow and former First Lady, Ernestina Naadu Mills, the entire family, the NDC as a party and all Ghanaians who are now in a state of mourning”.<br />Alhaji Aliu Mahama told The Chronicle that just as the New Patriotic Party’s Flagbearer, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo had suspected his campaign activities as a result of the death of Prof Mills, he had also kept all his activities and meetings on hold, and at the time of speaking to the paper, he had joined other NPP families to pay a visit to the widow.<br />He, however, added his voice to the call for peaceful general elections, and charged Ghanaians to allow the virtues of the Late President as man of peace to permeate their conscience and to ensure that there was peace in Ghana during and after the polls.<br />Meanwhile, the demise of the President of the Republic of Ghana, His Excellency Prof John Evans Atta Mills still remains a shock to members of the ruling NDC, opposition party members and other citizens within the Tamale Metropolis.<br />Several people, including government officials, motor riders, taxi drivers and party loyalists are still seen wearing red bands to signify their love, respect and loyalty to the Late President. Most government offices, including the Northern Regional Coordinat red flags and all street-lights in the Metropolis have been switched on since 3:00 pm on 24th July, 2012, till now.<br />The Chief of Tamale, Naa Alhassan Mahamudu Dawuni, said it was initially a rumour until around 5:00pm when the BBC and other radio stations in Accra broke the news through their affiliate stations in Tamale.<br />The Chief described the Late Prof Mills as “first class gentleman” and expressed his admiration of his humility and way of speaking.<br />The Metropolitan Chief Executive (MCE) for Tamale, Alhaji Abdulai Haruna Friday was also caught up by this paper in his office with red band around his neck, and surrounded by most of his honourable assembly members consoling him.<br />The Mayor told The Chronicle that he had had the opportunity to work with the late Prof Mills even before he became the President, and he eventually made him a mayor.<br />The Northern Regional Chairman of the NDC, Awudu Sofo Azorka in an interview with The Chronicle also said he was yet to accept the fact that the President was dead until he personally sees his corpse.<br />According to him, he spoke to the President few days before the news broke out and he was supposed to meet him at the Castle for some discussions towards the preparation of the NDC in the 2012 general elections.<br />The Tamale Metropolitan Manager of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS), Mohammed Adul Sallam almost broke down in tears, when he attempted to speak to this paper about how he took the news about the death of the late President.<br />He cautioned the NDC Communication Team members in the Northern Region to stay away from making comment on how activities would be outlined for the burial and funeral of the President until they are asked to do so by the National Executive Committee.<br />Upper East, Bolgatanga<br />Members of the public, including politicians of various political parties and their activists in the Upper East Region were lost for words to comment on the passing on of President John Evans Fiifi Atta Mills, reports William N-lanjerborr Jalulah from Bolgatanga.<br />Most residents in Bolgatanga, who were contacted to share their memories about the late President could hardly speak, except to say his death was a big loss to Ghana.<br />Business activities came to a halt in most parts of the city as both buyers and sellers sniffed for confirmation of the President’s death. One could hear some people shouting; “Oh! President Mills, why so soon?” Others asked why he should die at this crucial time, when Ghanaians have just five months to the elections.<br />It was extremely difficult to get to speak with the regional NDC executives because they were all shocked and dumb-founded by the death of the President, since they were not aware of his illness. When the Regional Youth Organizer, Mr. Robert Yeli-Oni was reached, he could hardly speak, except to say, “We are mourning”.<br />When she was contacted, however, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) Regional Chairperson, Mrs. Agnes Asangalisa Chigabatia said “I broke down when I heard the sad news”. She said in the first place, he is a human being and secondly, he is the President of Ghana and not President of the NDC”.<br />Thirdly, he has died at a very crucial time when Ghanaians are preparing for the election.” Mrs. Chigabatia concluded by praying for the soul of the late President to have peace in the bosom of the Lord.<br />A visit to Atlantic base, the most popular sitting base of NPP supporters in Bolgatanga, saw members in a state of sadness. At the Regional Police Headquarters, both the police flag and the national flag were flying at half-mast, to signify the sadden demise of the Country’s leader.<br />Upper West<br />Residents of Wa on Tuesday evening gathered in small groups all over the township, discussing the sudden death of former President John Evans Atta Mills, reports Musah Umar Farouq from Wa.<br />The streets were unusually quiet as people stood in groups, wearing mournful faces and discussing the unfortunate and heart-breaking event. They expressed shock at confirmation of the news, while those who could not hold back their emotions shed tears.<br />Those who could not believe the story tuned into local radio stations, using their mobile phones to monitor live reports from partner radio stations in Accra, to confirm the news.<br />Speaking to The Chronicle, many residents were not happy that the death of the President was announced immediately, saying it could have been delayed for at least a day.<br />Mr. Abdul-Razak Mustapha, a business man described the death as “a sad day for Ghana” and appealed to Ghanaians to be mindful of utterances regarding the demise of the late law Professor and not to politicize the matter.<br />“We need to stand together and put our differences behind us at this emotionally difficult and challenging time,” he said.<br />Adams Fuseni, a lotto seller, said he was shattered by the sudden and unexpected passing on of the President. He said he could not believe the news because there was an earlier report by the various radio stations that President Mills was on a day’s return trip to Nigeria.<br />Brong-Ahafo<br />From Sunyani, Michael Boateng also reports that the news about the demise of Professor John Evans Atta Mills on Tuesday was received with shock and disbelief by residents of Sunyani and other parts of the Brong-Ahafo region, bringing business activities to almost a standstill.<br />Initially, it was taken to be another unfortunate rumour about the President’s health by some faceless persons, but this time the information compelled the doubting members of the public to get closer to their radio and television sets for confirmation.<br />The mood of the entire populace within the Sunyani Township changed suddenly after the death of Prof. Mills was confirmed, as people expressed total shock and dismay, particularly at the time where Ghana is preparing to go into another general election.<br />Prof. Mills’ demise was the main issue of discussion across the Sunyani Township, and in Taxis, drinking spots, shops, offices, restaurants and market places.<br />A visit to the Regional Offices of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) saw most of the party members and sympathizers rushing in to confirm or deny the death of the President, who is also the flag bearer of their party.<br />The forecourt of the regional headquarters was eventually turned into funeral grounds after the official confirmation of the death.<br />The late President’s demise seems to have calmed the political tension in the Municipality, because for once, The Chronicle observed that almost every Ghanaian, regardless of one’s political inclination were united in grief to mourn the late President.<br />The Regional Executives of the NPP yesterday visited the NDC regional Secretariat to express their condolences to the party for the calamity that has befallen them and the entire nation. The Regional Secretary, Mr. Alfred Ofori Annye noted that the death was unfortunate and the opposition party would join their NDC friends to mourn the departed President.<br />He explained that NPP took the decision not to talk for now in other not to give room for some people to read political meanings to whatever they say.<br />Mr. B.K. Ameyaw, Brong-Ahafo Regional Chairman of CPP, on his part said the demise of President Mills should unite the nation as one people, calling on every Ghanaian to set aside personal, religious and political difference to mourn the President.<br />He called for total support for the newly sworn-in President, John Dramani Mahama, so that he could continue effectively to lead the country to the desired destination.<br />The Municipal Chief Executive of Sunyani, Kwasi Oppong Ababio commended Ghanaians for exhibiting a true sense of unity to mourn the late President, saying “Ghana needs such an attitude and oneness to flourish in it development agenda”.<br />Volta Region, Ho<br />Correspondent Samuel Agbewode reports from the Volta regional capital, Ho, that the Municipality has been thrown into a state of moaning following the announcement of the death of President John Evans Atta Mills, as most people were seen wearing red and black clothes and bands, indicating their sad moments of grief in almost every part of the Municipality.<br />The sudden death of the President had become a topical issue for discussion in the Municipality, as most of the people who spoke to The Chronicle expressed shock about the sad event, which is the first to be experienced by the country.<br />A businessman, Mr. Bazooka, said since he heard the news, the whole household started mourning and that he could not even eat. According to him, the last time he (Bazuka) personally heard about the President was when he went to the USA for medical check, and was very happy when the President came back looking healthy.<br />Madam Vida Adzotor, a business woman said God knows best by taking the life of the President at this crucial time in the history of the country.<br />Mr. Kafui Asem, a retired Communication expert and an elder of Tsito-Awudome at a meeting of traditional rulers at Awudome–Avenui prayed for the late President, after the gathering had observed a minute silence in his memory.<br />The Ho-East Chairman of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), Mr. Raybon Evans Anyadi on behalf of the entire membership of the Ho East Constituency of the NPP and on his own behalf, expressed heartfelt condolences to the National Democratic Congress, the family and Ghanaians for the sudden death of the President, and prayed that his soul rest in perfect peace.</div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-58977521929191488272012-03-25T08:43:00.005-07:002012-03-25T08:43:57.896-07:00Taxation, Global Economic Crisis and the poor<br />
<div class="news-title" style="background-color: white; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #373737; float: left; font-family: 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 16px; margin-bottom: 3.25em; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline; width: 350px;">
<header class="entry-header" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(219, 92, 100); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 2px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; width: 350px;"><h1 class="entry-title" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; clear: both; color: black; font-family: inherit; font-size: 20px; font-style: inherit; line-height: 23px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">
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<span class="r-title" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Topics:</span> <span class="r-content" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-weight: normal; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://eurodad.org/?cat=44" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">Domestic resource mobilisation</a>, <a href="http://eurodad.org/?cat=37" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;">Tax justice</a></span></div>
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<strong style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-weight: bold; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">By Lord Aikins Adusei (taken from Eurodad partner TJN Africa’s Quarterly Newsletter<span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> <a href="http://eurodad.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/Africa-Tax-Spotlight-7th-edition-290212.pdf" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Africa Tax Spotlight</span></a><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: black; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">), </span></span></strong></div>
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The article below looks at the current <span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://eurodad.org/?p=13502" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">global economic and financial crisis</span></a>,</span> its impact on firms, governments and the poor. It argues the crisis has generated new kinds of tax policies in both developed and developing countries that in the long run will lower inequality between the rich and the poor. The article concludes that although the poor appear to have been badly hit by the crisis they will end up being the final beneficiary if the taxes and other policies being implemented begin to bear fruit.</div>
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Taxes play an important role in the economy of many nations. In many countries taxes paid include but are not limited to Personal Income Tax, Corporate Income</div>
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Tax, Value Added Tax (VAT), Fuel Levy and Windfall taxes. These taxes help build and maintain public goods and infrastructures such as roads and railway networks, schools and universities; pay salaries of teachers, nurses, doctors, police, and soldiers; maintain law, order, peace and security of the country; and improve economic and social wellbeing of citizens; and pay debts owed to creditors. In short, taxes are essential for the running of every country. Over the last three or four years, the world has gone through and is still going through tumultuous and painful financial and economic crisis. The crisis, which began in the United States and quickly spread to Europe and other Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) economies, was as a result of a combination of factors including under regulation and over supply of financial products; too much public and private sector debt; near-zero interest rates that</div>
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fueled cheap credit; and asset prices that boomed and then busted. The crisis has had devastating impact on ability of firms to secure credits as banks are unwilling to lend. In fact, a number of banks have failed and with it the assets of companies and individuals who did business or saved with them. Additionally, demand for goods and services produced by firms has gone down forcing companies to close down completely or lay off workers to cut down cost. The result is that many small and major firms have seen their profits slashed and so are their taxes to government. Governments’ bailouts and efforts by Central Banks around the world to stimulate the global economy by injecting additional</div>
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liquidity have not yielded the desired results. Governments’ efforts to raise revenue through taxation have also suffered severe setbacks. As exports and imports in advanced economies slow down and businesses collapse or underperform, governments are losing corporate income tax, personal income tax and other taxes that could help them maneuver through the storm. In a recent op-Ed titled “Globalization of Protest” Columbia University Professor Joseph E. Stiglitz put the impact of the crisis this way: “Around the world, we have underutilised resources – people who want to work, machines that lie idle, buildings that are empty – and huge unmet needs” (Stiglitz, 2011). Stiglitz was referring to the cost of the crisis on the poor. Governments’ inability to raise revenue to implement social and economic programmes has been borne largely by the poor, low wage and middle class workers. In both private and government institutions there is freeze on wage increase.</div>
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That not withstanding, the crisis has elicited positive responses from people around the Globe. In <st1:country-region><st1:place>India</st1:place></st1:country-region>, demonstration against corruption has forced governments to act to prevent corrupt politicians and their business associates from taking bribes and evading tax. The crisis has seen the <st1:country-region>United States</st1:country-region>, <st1:country-region>France</st1:country-region>and <st1:country-region>Spain</st1:country-region> acting in a coordinated fashion to stop corrupt African leaders from looting their coffers and depositing their loot in Europe and <st1:country-region><st1:place>America</st1:place></st1:country-region>. One illustration of such actions was the fact that <a href="http://www.globalwitness.org/library/secret-life-shopaholic-how-african-dictators-playboy-son-went-multi-million-dollar-shopping" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Teodoro Obiang Nguema, son of Equatorial Guinea’s dictator</span>,</a> had his cars confiscated by French police. If auctioned the proceeds of the $5million worth of cars could help provide schools, hospitals and improve sanitation for the people in that country.</div>
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In several African countries, the soaring prices and profits for the gold, copper, oil and gasoline industry in the past years have seen governments receiving a boost in the their balance sheet. <st1:country-region><st1:place>Zambia</st1:place></st1:country-region> for instance has seen revenue from copper increase tremendously. <span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://eurodad.org/?p=211928" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">African governments that have not benefited from the windfall profits from oil and minerals</span></a></span> are proposing or have proposed a windfall tax that will bring additional revenue to the state.</div>
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In 2007, a report prepared for South Africa Treasury, Dr. Zavareh Rustomjee and his team defined windfall profits as “excess profits, of which conceptually there are two possible types: those of a temporary or cyclical nature (called “quasi rent” or “economic profits”), or more structural or permanent (called “economic rent”)” (Rustomjee et al, 2007). Thus taxes on these excess profits constitute windfall tax. According to James Muyanwa (2011) windfall tax is a tax levied by governments on certain industries when economic conditions allow those industries to experience above average profits. Companies who benefit from massive profits due to a favourable economic condition are targeted. In October of 2011, the Reuters news agency cited <st1:country-region><st1:place>Ghana</st1:place></st1:country-region>’s Finance Minister Kwabena Duffuor as saying. <st1:country-region><st1:place>Ghana</st1:place></st1:country-region> is in talks with gold miners about extra taxes, including the possibility of a windfall tax. In May of 2011, media houses in<st1:country-region><st1:place>Namibia</st1:place></st1:country-region> quoted Mines and EnergyMinister Isak Katali as saying that the government was looking to introduce a minerals windfall tax to enable the state to benefit more from the country’s vast mineral resources. The Energy Minister said: “It is my view that as the custodian of the mineral resources, the state should also benefit in good times beyond normal taxes and royalties” (Dontoh, 2011). <st1:country-region>Algeria</st1:country-region>, <st1:country-region>South Africa</st1:country-region>,<st1:country-region>Chad</st1:country-region>, <st1:country-region>Gabon</st1:country-region> and <st1:country-region><st1:place>Angola</st1:place></st1:country-region> have already indicated that they would want to implement some kind of windfall tax that would target massive profits and use it to implement social and economic programmes to benefit the poor. Although the poor have been badly hit by the economic and financial crisis, there is hope that they will turn up to be winners if the policies begin to bear fruit</div>
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<u>References</u></div>
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<span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/15/opinion/stop-coddling-the-super-rich.html" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Buffet, W. E. (2011) “Stop Coddling the Super- Rich” New York Times, August, 2011</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://www.businessweek.com/news/2011-10-11/ghana-not-planning-windfall-tax-on-gold-minister-says.html" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Dontoh, E. (2011) “<st1:country-region><st1:place>Ghana</st1:place></st1:country-region> Not Planning Windfall Tax on Gold” Bloomberg, 2011</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://allafrica.com/stories/201102160481.html" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Muyanwa, J. (2011) “Pitfalls of Windfall Tax” Times of <st1:country-region><st1:place>Zambia</st1:place></st1:country-region>, 2011</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/40722415?uid=3737592&uid=2129&uid=2&uid=70&uid=4&sid=55859732623" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Reubens, E. (2006) ‘The Great Oil and Gasoline Dilemma’ Challenge December 2006</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://www.miningmx.com/news/markets/Namibia-to-hit-miners-with-windfall-tax.htm" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Reuters (2011) “<st1:country-region><st1:place>Namibia</st1:place></st1:country-region> to hit miners with windfall tax” Tue, 17 May 2011</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/stiglitz144/English" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;">Rustomjee, Z. et al. (2007) “Windfall taxes on the liquid fuels industry”</span></a></span></div>
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<span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"><a href="http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/stiglitz144/English" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: #d32d62; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-decoration: none; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; color: blue; font-family: inherit; font-style: inherit; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; outline-color: initial; outline-style: initial; outline-width: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; vertical-align: baseline;"> Stiglitz, J. E. (2011) “The Globalisation of Protest” Project Syndicate, 2011</span></a></span></div>
</div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-84830402557940764582012-03-20T08:44:00.001-07:002012-03-20T08:44:24.866-07:00JJ leaves NDC divided & shaken<br />
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While President John Evans Atta Mills and the remnants of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) leadership were singing in the rain and frantically extolling the virtues in party unity and its democratic credentials at Mantse Agbona, just at the entrance of the James Town Mantse's Palace in what used to be called British Accra, at the week-end, the wife of the founder, Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings, was busily unmasking the Head of State and his political edifice as pretenders who stole the vote at the Sunyani congress.</div>
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'People who were not delegates were voting as delegates. I know all the delegates; more than one thousand who voted were not delegates,' she told the Akuafo Hall Ladies wing of the Students Representative Council of the University of Ghana, at Legon.</div>
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'I let it be, because if I wanted to deal with it, I would take the whole bunch of them to court. I just decided, no, it's not worth it, let them steal it. If that makes them happy, let them steal,' she said, cheered on by the students.</div>
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At a time the NDC is clamouring for unity as a sign of strength to tackle the formidable force of the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and its leader Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, the wife of the founder's exposé at Legon puts the party and its leadership on the defensive.</div>
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According to the former First Lady, she had been silent over the issue in order to protect the unity of the party founded by her husband, observing that the internal bickering and disunity among party members were some of the fall-outs of the Sunyani congress.</div>
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'In my heart of hearts, I felt sorry for the party I belong to, because it was like cracking the party in the middle, and for me it was said because we have built a party for more than 19 years, and then suddenly, 'boom' is not good.'</div>
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Reports of a crack in the NDC front after the Sunyani congress have been rife in the body politic for some time, but the statement from the office of Jerry John Rawlings on the eve of the rally in Accra, that he would not be at Mantse Agbona with a warning that the party should not use his name to campaign towards the 2012 elections, was the major song that all may not be well with the party he founded.</div>
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As the President and the remnants of the NDC leadership basked in their glory of leading this nation to their own ideas of what constitute prosperity, the Chairman of the party, Dr. Kwabena Adjei, revealed on television on Friday, that his private and confidential letter to the President, calling for a meeting to patch up with the Rawlingses, was leaked from the Castle.</div>
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He tried frantically to absolve the President from blame by insisting that at the time the letter got to the Castle, Prof. Mills was out of the country. But the revelation from the party chair that his letter was leaked, rather feeds into the general notion that the orchestrated attempt to exclude the Rawlingses in matters pertaining to the NDC might be the handiwork of the occupant of the Castle.</div>
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Political analysts believe it is a means of carving a niche for himself, after being brought in by the founder, who has remained his bedrock and source of legitimacy all along.</div>
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At the rally at the weekend, President Mills mocked those he claimed were disappointed in his leadership. 'Let us be positive and not listen to the cries of those who are disappointed, because they will remain disappointed,' he mocked.</div>
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Political commentators are reading different meanings into this particular statement. Some political analysts believe the President was referring to the opposition, who are bitterly contesting his claim that the achievements of the party in government were unprecedented.</div>
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Others believe the President was further widening the gap between his Presidency and the Rawlingses, who have criticised his style of leadership since occupying Government House three years and a quarter ago.</div>
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This school of thought holds that by that statement, President Mills was sending a powerful message across to Boom Junction that he was thriving better without being talked down upon, and that the Rawlingses could do nothing to influence his leadership of government and the party.</div>
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If that is the intention of the President, then he would have already offended many in the party who look upon the former President as the man whose sacrifices brought the party into being in the first place, and who nurtured the NDC with his charismatic leadership.</div>
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Across the country, billboards and posters are emerging with the effigy of President Mills and former President Rawlings poised to propel the NDC to victory in the 2012 presidential and parliamentary elections.</div>
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If the founder is chalked off the scene, many are those in the NDC who would know where to pinpoint if the elections fail to go the way of the party in power</div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif, 'MS sans serif'; font-size: 12px; line-height: normal;">Ghanaian Chronicle</span></div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-89882200752381763512012-03-15T07:15:00.002-07:002012-08-21T11:41:49.978-07:00The Emerging Security Threats and Ghana Special Forces (Part 1)<br />
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This is Part One of two articles. It seeks to achieve two objectives: first it looks at what Special Forces are; and second to look at the role Special Forces play and some of their accomplishments. Part Two of the article addresses the question as to whether or not Ghana needs Special Forces.</div>
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The participation of Ghana's Special Forces in the country's 55th Independence anniversary has ignited debate as first whether it is necessary for Special Forces to be created and second whether it was necessary for the force to be showcased the way it was. It is the belief of this author that per the traditional and non-traditional threats posed to the country and the West Africa sub region it is indeed prudent for such a force to be created. As to whether it was necessary for the force to be showcased the belief is that it depends on the function and role the special force is supposed to play.</div>
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<b>What are Special Forces?</b><br />
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The development of Special Forces has a long history. Great Empires of history were built with armies that had Special Forces established in them. In the old Testament of the Holy Bible we are told in 1 Chronicle 11:10-15 and 1 Samuel 25:13; 27:2 that within King David's regular soldiers of 400 to 600 men there were 30 elite men who helped him to establish and consolidate his monarchy. These 30 elite warriors which included Joab, Yashobeam, Eleazar, Shammah and Abishai are known in military vocabulary as David Heroes (or haggibborim in Hebrew). Colonel Yasotay, an officer in the army of Genghis Khan, the great Mongolian Emperor, is reported to have told General Khan that “when the hour of crisis comes, remember that 40 selected men can shake the world”. Colonel Yasotay was referring to how during missions of national strategic importance or during military campaign, a small but specially trained elite force could change the dynamics and outcome of a complex and difficult situation far beyond any physical measure of their capability.</div>
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Special Forces (SF) are smaller secret military units within a country's armed forces which perform specific assignments in furtherance of the objectives of the state. According to Alastair Finlan, an expert in Strategic Studies at Aberystwyth University UK, Special Forces represent a different kind of soldier who can operate overtly and covertly, not only on the battlefield and behind enemy lines, but also – when necessary – undercover within civil society. Anna Simons and David Tucker both defence experts at the Department of Defense Analysis of the US Naval Postgraduate School, write that Special Forces comprise of specific units with a range of different, but sometimes overlapping capabilities. Sergio Miller, a BBC researcher, adds that Special Forces are silent warriors who combine minimum manpower demands with maximum possibilities of surprise to achieve the impossibilities. They are strategic assets to their militaries helping regular and irregular forces to achieve overwhelming advantage over the enemy.</div>
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Many modern armed forces have Special Forces that carry out special and daring missions on behalf of the nation. However, since the 9/11 terrorist attacks in U.S. and the successes of Special Forces during the Afghan and Iraq wars, there have been renewed interest and substantial growth in the number of Special Forces worldwide. It is estimated that there are now more than 70 countries worldwide with their own Special Forces. Since 1948 the Israeli Defence Force (IDF) has relied on three well known Special Forces including Sayeret, Shayetet 13, and Shaldag.</div>
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In the British Armed Forces, Special Air Service (SAS) and Special Boat Service (SBS) are very popular units which carry covert and special operations around the world on behalf of the British government. In the United States Special Forces units fall under the command of U.S. Special Operational Command (USSOCOM) and include US Navy SEALs; US Army Special Forces units (popularly called the Green Berets), US Army Rangers, Special Mission Units, the 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment, Civil Affairs (CA), Psychological Operation forces (PSYOP); US Air Force special tactics teams and fixed wing and rotary wing air assets.</div>
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In the U.S. for example Special Forces have transitioned from a marginalised force structure to a prominent and vital part of the strategy of the U.S. military. Jennifer D. Kibbe, Olin Fellow in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institute, notes that Special Forces have become an increasingly important weapon not only in the U.S. military but also in the broader U.S. national security arsenal.</div>
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Matthew Johnson of Missouri State University, points out that the growing importance of Special Forces has made them the force of choice to confront a broad spectrum of irregular threats that dominate the current security environment. According to Steven Lambakis, an analyst at the National Institute for Public Policy in Fairfax, U.S.A., Special Forces have become the force of choice worldwide because they have the ability to perform at different levels of conflict, independently and in conjunction with larger operations. Sergio Miller points out that Special Forces “succeed because they do the undoable. . . Special forces, quite simply, are an army's joker hand”.</div>
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<b>Why are Special Forces established?</b><br />
Special Forces are established for specific reasons. Alastair Finlan quoted above, has observed that the imbalance between the British and German Air Forces during World War II forced Britain to establish the Special Air Service (SAS) which went ahead to use unconventional methods and techniques to alter the strategic situation in favour of the British forces. He adds that the SAS was formed “because it appeared to offer a cost- effective means of redressing the balance using men armed with high explosives dropped off near their targets by lorry or jeep”.</div>
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Special Forces are also established to respond to unexpected situations such as unexpected attacks by enemy forces, kidnapping and hostage taking by terrorists, pirates and militant groups. Anna Simons and David Tucker quoted above observe that the US Army Rangers for example specialises in seizing airfields while Special Mission Units train specifically for hostage rescue and anti terrorism missions.</div>
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Stanislaw Kulczynski, a Lieutenant Colonel at the Polish National Defense Academy, notes that the functions and roles play by Special Forces around the world include but not limited to the following: 1 Conducting intelligence and reconnaissance missions including obtaining the enemy's latest equipment, armaments, military plans, and taking prisoners, and conducting surveillance, reconnaissance, patrol and other similar operations. 2 Engaging in missions to assist the combat operations of conventional forces; 3 Developing and conducting guerrilla warfare (training of a guerrilla force; organization, command, control and supervision of a guerrilla force); 4 Developing and conducting counter guerrilla operations; 5 Conducting diversion and sabotage including disruption of the enemy's chain of command and of their supply lines; destruction of communication systems and impeding transport of enemy troops and materiel; 6 Conducting psychological operations including misinformation; creating an atmosphere of defeat, spreading chaos, panic and terror; 7 Conducting rescue operations including organizing escapes from captivity, rescuing hostages and prisoners of war; 8 Conducting anti-terrorist actions; 9 Training allied units.</div>
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From the various functions and roles performed by Special Forces it is relatively fair to say that Special Forces engage in two distinctively different but complementary kinds of combat mission: those involving direct action, and those in support of unconventional warfare including sabotage, penetrating into the enemy territories to gather intelligence and working behind the enemy lines and securing strategic infrastructures on behalf of the country during hostilities.</div>
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Some of the operations that Special Forces are known to have been involved in include anti-terrorist operations, rescue operations, intelligence and reconnaissance operations, diversion and sabotage, counter guerrilla operations, training allied units, interdictions operations and psychological operations.</div>
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<b>Exploits of Special Forces</b><br />
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The following accounts give the achievements of Special Forces and explain why they are valued around the world. People who have been following the news in Nigeria from Thursday (08/03/2012) would notice that the UK Special Boat Service (SBS) was involved in the failed bid to free two men (Chris McManus 28 and Franco Lamolinara) who had been taken hostage by members of the Boko Haram in Nigeria.</div>
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In May 2011 the US Navy SEALs successfully killed Osama Bin Laden in Pakistan and removed the threat posed by the Al Qaeda leader. In January 2012 members of the Navy SEALs, with support from regular armed forces, freed two hostages (Jessica Buchanan, 32, an American and Poul Hagen Thisted, 60, a Dane) in Somalia after killing about nine of the hostage takers.</div>
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During World War II German Special Forces were credited for the surprise taking of the impregnable Belgian fortress at Eben Emael.</div>
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In Operation Thunderball which took place on July 4, 1976, a 7 member team drawn from the Israeli Special Forces flew 2500 miles from Israel to Uganda and successfully rescued 105 hostages, killing 7 terrorists and 120 Ugandan soldiers in what has become known as the Entebbe raid.</div>
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Timothy Garden author of “Iraq: The Military Campaign” notes that during the Iraq war “Special Forces were deployed to secure key targets, provide intelligence and reconnaissance to optimize air strikes, and for traditional disruption tasks”. He adds that Western Iraq was secured mainly by Special Forces.</div>
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In the same Iraq war, Prof. Garden notes that the Australian military had 500 Special Forces operating in western and north-western Iraq. Their work helped to reduce the threat of weapons of mass destruction which Saddam was launching towards Israel. They also helped to secure Al Isad, the second largest airfield in Iraq. The British Special Air Service (SAS) also helped to secure Basra and the oil fields in the south of Iraq.<br />
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In Afghanistan Special Forces played strategic role not only in toppling the Taliban but also in disorganizing the Al Qaeda terrorist network which saw its leaders fleeing to Pakistan for cover.</div>
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Alastair Finlan quoted above notes that the UK SAS played a key role in the Falklands war between Argentina and Britain in 1982. He adds that within fifteen months of its formation in 1941 the SAS destroyed between 250–400 enemy aircrafts on the ground in addition to other targets of opportunity.</div>
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The Special Forces demonstrated the viability of conducting operations behind enemy lines through parachute deployments which by 1944 included the means to drop all-important vehicles such as jeeps to preserve the vital mobility element that had proved so successful in North Africa and Italy. One SAS officer is reported to have said that “It was not our numbers but our ideas which made a big difference”.</div>
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Sayeret, Shayetet 13, and Shaldag of Israel played key role in helping Israel win the three wars she fought against her Arab neighbours including the independence war in 1948, the Six Day war in1967 and the Yom Kupur War in1973.</div>
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By whatever margin Special Forces have indeed become the weapon of choice, an indispensable arsenal not only to wrought havoc within the camp of the enemy but also to remove any threat such enemies might pose. Ohad Leslau of Israel's Haifa University argues that Special Forces have the potential to play a distinct role, but can also complement the primary military effort. Leslau adds that Special Forces can be a decisive force, and “should therefore be considered a central element in strategic planning”.</div>
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Written by Lord Aikins Adusei<br />
Email: politicalthinker1@yahoo.com<br />
10/03/2012</div>
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<b>Reference</b></div>
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Finlan, Alastair (2009) 'The (Arrested) Development of UK Special Forces and the Global War on Terror' Review of International Studies vol 35 pp.971–982</div>
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Simons, Anna and Tucker, David (2010) “United States special operations forces and the war on terrorism” Small Wars & Insurgencies, 14:1, pp.77-91</div>
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Kibbe, Jennifer D.(2007) “Covert Action and the Pentagon,” Intelligence and National Security, 22/1 pp. 57-74</div>
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Garden, Timothy (2003) “Iraq: The Military Campaign” International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944- ), Vol. 79, No. 4 pp. 701-718</div>
Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-69334240849612105332012-03-15T06:29:00.001-07:002012-03-15T07:35:17.629-07:00The Emerging Security Threats and Ghana Special Forces (Part 2)<br />
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<span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;"><b>Does Ghana Need Special Forces?</b><br /><br />West Africa where Ghana is situated occupies a strategically important position as a major energy supplier to the global energy market. Unfortunately the region is fast gaining notoriety and as a hub of militancy, terrorism, piracy, arm smuggling and drug trafficking. The growing threat from these sources demands a clear cut response to deal with them so as to redeem the region from its impacts. Ghana as ECOWAS state is not immune from such threats.<br /><br />There is enough evidence to suggest that drug cartels in Latin America have taken advantage of the poorly patrolled shorelines of West Africa using large mother ships to carry tonnes of cocaine and then station them on high seas. Afterwards they would use smaller boats to break them up for distribution to West African countries for onward shipment to Europe and America. Part of the evidence indicates that the cartels are moving major components of their operations to Ghana and other West African countries. This increasingly use of Ghana and West Africa by South American drug cartels poses serious existential threat to the security, peace and stability of the country and also to the entire sub region. Observers of the West African criminal networks have noted that the drug cartels are becoming bolder and sophisticated in their operations emboldened by large the profits they are making from the drug trade part of which has been used to acquire sophisticated weapons to protect their illegal activities. </span><br />
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<span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">In 2007 the UN published a report titled “Cocaine trafficking in West Africa: The threat to stability and development”. The report reiterated the need for serious human and material resources to be mobilised to confront the cartels and their operations and free Ghana and West Africa from the menace of the drug problem.<br /><br />Writing in the African Security journal in 2009 on the threat narco-trafficking poses to Ghana and the West African subregion, Kwesi Aning, security expert at Kofi Annan Peace Keeping Centre in Ghana noted that:<br /><br /><i>“This [narco-trafficking] is the new frontier of war and an attack on West Africa’s fragile states. A threat that is more insidious and dangerous than the conflicts that engulfed West Africa in the 1990s and early twenty-first century. This is because the increasing flow of drugs through West African States is beginning to undermine the state, through weakening its institutions, its local communities, and its social fabric. Narco-incomes are replacing the legitimate incomes, and in some instances are providing services previously the responsibility of the states. Incomes from narcotics are basically distorting and undermining economies. The drug trade now forms a major part of transnational criminal activities taking place in West Africa. A whole sub-region now serves as a major transit point for illicit drugs coming mainly from South and Central America and Southeast and Southwest Asia to final destinations in South Africa, Europe, and North America. Critical transit points in Gambia, Ghana, Liberia, Nigeria and Sierra Leone, Senegal, Mali, and Niger are witnessing an onslaught of drugs passing through their airports, harbors, and porous borders”. </i><br /><br />Dr. Aning emphasised that the “narcotics poses a serious and veritable threat to West African states and threatens to undo all of the hesitant but positive steps that have occurred in the past decade”. </span><br />
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<span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">Examples worldwide including Mexico and Columbia indicate that regular armies are not capable of defeating the often sophisticated, well-funded and heavily armed drug cartels. The critical question is whether Ghana’s regular armed forces can defeat the cartels who are using Ghana as a base for their operations. The evidence is that it is unlikely. The sophisticated manner in which the cartels are operating demands that a specialised unit within the Ghana Navy, Army and Air Force be established and equipped with the capabilities and assets to confront them.<br /><br /><b>Terrorism </b>is a global problem and many armed forces are reforming themselves to respond to its challenge. West Africa and the Sahel region are also increasingly becoming a hot bed for terrorism. There are reports that AQIM or Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb has plans to export terrorism to Sub Sahara Africa. Nigeria has become the latest casualty. </span><br />
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<span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">Already the governments of Chad, Cameroon and Nigeria have met to address the threat posed by terrorists. In January 2012 a similar meeting was held in Nouakchott by Algeria, Burkina Faso, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, and Nigeria. In Nigeria Boko Haram caught the Nigeria security forces unaware and it is fair to say that the armed forces and other security services struggled to mount a proper response to the Boko Haram challenge. The Federal government headed by Goodluck Jonathan came under serious criticism both home and abroad for not being able to deal with the Boko Haram threat. Part of the reason is that Nigeria armed forces appear not to have the specialised elite forces needed to deal with terrorism. </span><br />
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<span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">Documents we have seen indicate that Al Qaeda and its affiliates have big plans for the entire Sub Sahara Africa region including Ghana. Given the fact that no country is immune from terrorism a wait and see approach to the terror threat may not help Ghana in the long run. It will therefore be in order if Ghana gets itself prepared now to establish Special Forces within the Ghana Armed Forces for the purpose of confronting the global problem of terrorism.<br /><br />Militancy in West Africa especially in oil producing countries is a major problem. Almost all the countries in Africa where oil is being produced have seen some kind of instabilities and warfare; from Angola, to Congo, to Ivory Coast to Libya, to Nigeria and Sudan the examples are many. Ghana being an emerging oil producing country, the threats of few disgruntled individuals taking up arms and causing upset in the country cannot be ruled out in the long term. Already there is clear indication that weapon proliferation in Ghana (which could make instability in the oil producing part of Ghana possible) is growing and will give the country enormous challenge if it is not dealt with.<br /><br />Writing in the Journal of Contemporary African Studies Kwesi Aning of the Kofi Annan Centre noted in 2008 that:<br /><br /><i>“While Ghana is generally perceived as a stable state, there are enough small arms in circulation to be worrying. In addition, there is increasing anxiety that the instability that has engulfed the West African region can impact negatively on Ghana if concerted endeavours are not undertaken to understand and map its proliferation of small arms. Critical indicators of the proliferation of small arms in Ghana are the daily reports of firearms-related criminal activities in all parts of the country, and the widespread availability and misuse of small arms, particularly pump action guns, shotguns, pistols and AK47s.” </i><br /><br />Now take these weapons and send it to Takoradi, give it to few disgruntled people in the region and we will have major problems similar to the petrodollar-insurgency in Nigeria. In short the availability of these weapons coupled with other factors has the potential to affect the security of oil and gas production, transportation and supply effort of the country. </span><br />
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<span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">Research conducted in Takoradi and its environs indicate that the ingredients that have fueled the petro-insurgency in the Niger Delta also exist in Western Region. In Nigeria the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) and other ethnic militias has been behind many of the attacks on oil and gas pipelines and other installations in the country. These attacks have sometimes affected gas supply from Nigeria to Ghana. The problem is that Nigeria’s regular forces have not been able to defeat the militants, a problem that forced the government to finally declare amnesty for the militants which reduced attacks on oil and gas facilities. But signs have appeared that the militants have resumed their activities.<br /><br />As Ghana’s oil production surges the threat of attacks on oil and gas installations must be taken serious. The threats by the youth in Jomoro that they will cause mayhem if the gas plant is not established in their district should not be taken lightly. </span><br />
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<span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">Hostage taking of oil and gas workers is a major appetite for criminal syndicates seeking to profit illegally from the oil and gas sectors. In many parts of the world it has been the duty of Special Forces to eliminate the threats posed by hostage takers and kidnappers. Unlike Nigeria, Ghana today has not gotten to the situation where oil and gas workers are kidnapped on the daily bases, but to prepare for that day will not be a wrong thing to do.<br /><br />From what is known in Nigeria about the failures to deal decisively with the militants the best team that can adequately response to threats against oil and gas infrastructures may be a specially trained elite force. </span><br />
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<span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">Another potential threat to Ghana’s oil and gas production ambitions comes from Ivory Coast which has declared its intention to contest oil and gas resources at the Ghana-Ivorian border. While the Ivorian claims can be settled peacefully through negotiation, arbitration or cooperation, confrontation cannot be ruled out when dialogue fails. The role of Special Forces in any modern war is of so strategic value that it cannot be reduced to party politics. In other words oil and gas production and supply come with it security challenges that cannot be ignored by any serious energy producing country.<br /><br />Another threat Ghana must prepare to deal with is the activities of pirates. The number of pirates’ activities off the coast of the Gulf of Guinea including Ghana and West Africa is growing. Major oil tankers and cargo ships carrying oil and raw materials from the Gulf of Guinea to U.S. and Europe have come under serious attacks from pirates. According to reports the pirates usually come with fast speed boats with sophisticated weapons, hijack ships, demand money and cart away its goods. The International Maritime Bureau (IMB) Live Piracy map and Live Piracy Report indicate that Gulf of Guinea in West Africa is one of the key zones where ships are increasingly under threat of being hijacked by pirates. The activities of pirates are increasingly threatening shipping routes, and trade in West Africa including Ghana. The pirates’ activities not only threaten the lives of crew but also put business and trade (the lifeblood of the resource export economies in West Africa including Ghana) under threat.<br /><br />On February 9th, 2012 at 04am local time four robbers armed with long knives boarded an offshore tug berthing at the Takoradi Port, in Ghana stole goods from the ship’s stores. The robbers threatened the watchmen who were on duty with long knives and escaped in a canoe with their stolen goods. Although the crew was safe and no casualties were reported the attack itself speaks volume of the threat that oil and cargo ships operating in Ghana ports and coastal waters face. What worries many experts and industry leaders is that the pirates are attacking ships further and further away from the coast leaving ships, their cargo and their crews very much vulnerable. </span><br />
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<span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">There are reports that shipping insurers in London are beginning to increase premium for ships operating in West African coastal waters including Ghana. Other reports also speak of oil and shipping companies asking NATO and Western governments to provide them with security to eliminate the pirates’ threat in West Africa and the Horn of Africa. If the pirates’ activities is allowed unchecked it will endanger business and trade activities not only in Ghana but also in the entire subregion.<br /><br />What is important so far as Ghana is concerned is its national security, economic security, political stability, international trade, and protection of human life. The growing threat from drug cartels, arms traffickers pirates, militants, and terrorists to the security of Ghana and its neighbours shows that it will be difficult for Ghana to confront these threats without adequately developing its own special forces to deal decisively with them.<br /><br />The key problem in Ghana is for the ruling government not to politicise the establishment of such elite forces and issuing threats to the effect that such forces will be used to deal with the opposition parties. For as soon as such threats are issued it degrades the importance of such a strategic national asset and weakens its standing in the eyes of the public. </span><br />
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<span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">Therefore it is crucial that the generals and admirals in the Ghana Armed Forces adhere to the concept of military honour which stipulates that the professional soldier must be above politics meaning that, in domestic politics, generals and admirals should do well not to attach themselves to political parties or overtly display partisanship. Therefore as noted by Sam C. Sarkesian the doctrine of an impartial, nonpartisan, objective career service, loyally serving whatever administration or party that is in power must be religiously respected by the Armed Forces to avert a situation where one political party will be inclined to dissolve the Special Forces when they come to power.<br /><br /><br /><b>Written by Lord Aikins Adusei<br />Email: politicalthinker1@yahoo.com<br />10/03/2012<br /><br />Reference</b><br /><br />Aning, </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">Kwesi</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;"> (2008) “From ‘voluntary’ to a ‘binding’ process: towards the securitisation of small arms” Journal of Contemporary African Studies 26:2, pp.169-181</span><br />
<span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;"><br />Aning, </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">Kwesi</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">(2009) “Perspectives on President Barack Obama's Africa Foreign Policy” African Security, 2:1, pp. 66-67</span></div>
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</div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-60653453150232948112012-02-25T00:11:00.000-08:002012-02-25T00:11:50.917-08:00Ghana's current political armed robbers and Dr. Kwame Nkrumah<br />
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Mills a visionary or nation wrecker?</div>
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Even though every 6th March we march and dance, few Ghanaians are aware the difficulties Dr. Nkrumah went through before Ghana finally gained independence in 1957. When Nkrumah was brought in from Britain to act as the United Gold Coast Convention's (UGCC) Secretary, he came to find Ghanaians who were working with the British colonialists who were raping the nation while its people lived in complete illiteracy, ignorance, and disease.</div>
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Nkrumah was completely appalled by what he saw: lack of electricity, education, health and transport infrastructures. After watching how the British were duping the country he decided to stop it but the elite UGCC guys who had worked with the British imperialists wanted the system to continue for a while. Nkrumah said no. Ghana and its people must have their freedom and their resources used to develop the country for all the people to benefit. His message was “independence now”.</div>
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Nkrumah was not a crook like Ghana's current leaders who are just like the British stealing oil, gas, gold, timber, and diamond without putting any of the money into the places that produced the resources. Nkrumah understood the needs of Ghana and Ghanaians and was prepared to make sure Ghana and its people had the best just like how a father would want his children to have the best in life. After becoming the Prime Minister in 1957, Nkrumah realised that Ghana could not develop as a nation without energy infrastructure. He instituted measures to have Akosombo dam constructed and despite frustration and sabotage from the British and the Americans, Dr. Nkrumah managed to have the dam completed in January 1966.</div>
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Nkrumah's aim was that Ghana would be the industrial hub of Africa just as Korea and Taiwan are the industrial hubs of Asia today. He wanted to show to the world that the Blackman and indeed Africa is capable of building cities, and building and managing large scale factories and infrastructures. He constructed Tema City from scratch. He built Tema Harbour and linked it to Accra with the Tema Motorway to ensure smooth transportation of goods and people from the two cities. The Tema Harbour was also constructed to make sure that whatever Ghana produced could be exported and the money used to further develop the country. He established Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology and Cape Coast University to serve as the training centre for Ghana's future engineers and scientists. Major industries were built across the country not only to offer employment for Ghanaians but also to add value to raw materials produced in the country before export.</div>
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In short Nkrumah's main aim for Ghana was to rapidly transform the country into industrial powerhouse and to bridge the poverty gap between Ghanaians and the British. Unlike Mills and his sycophants who can only promise but cannot deliver any tangible material thing, Nkrumah set about building factories, schools, universities, health centres and major roads. I mean all these were done within few years of taking office.</div>
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We are told that Nkrumah managed to carry out his goal to industrialise Ghana because he was handed a lot of money by the British. That argument may be true but just having money is not equal to development. To have money and also bring development to the people you will need to be visionary, to have a plan and ideas about what you can use the money for. That is the difference between Prof Mills and Dr. Nkrumah. President Mills now has access to millions of dollars from oil and gold but do we see any major project going on? That is the difference between someone who has money and can use it for development and someone who has money and cannot do anything.</div>
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Nkrumah decided not to steal the money he inherited from the British but rather to use it for total development of Ghana. But Mills despite claiming that the country has no money has been able to pay 58 million cedis to Alfred Woyome. Building one secondary school in Ghana will not cost more than 1 million cedis. That is if Mills had decided to use the money paid to Alfred Woyome to build secondary schools (just like the ones Nkrumah built in Koforidua, and in Accra) he could have built 58 secondary schools. Yes 58 secondary schools. But Mills and his NDC nation robbers and nation wreckers decided to rob the people of Ghana by sharing the money among themselves, building 20 million dollars national headquarters and rewarding party financiers with money that should go into providing water, electricity, schools, clinics and computers to schools in rural areas.</div>
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The districts in Ghana currently without secondary schools could have been given secondary schools but Mills said no, Alfred Woyome alone should have it so he can continue to finance the NDC at the expense of Ghanaians who continue to live in poverty and total deprivation. Mills and his NDC prefer Ghanaians to live in ignorance so that they can continue to manipulate them to achieve their own diabolical political intentions. Between 1990 and 2000 the P(NDC) sold 194 factories built by Nkrumah and squandered the money on Pajaros and Land Cruisers. They never thought about productivity and the future of Ghana.</div>
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But Mills and the NDC are not alone in the robbery of the country and denial of its people the basic necessities of life. Under Kuffour's administration Raymond Archer of the Enquirer caught Haruna Esseku, then NPP Chairman, talking about how the NPP cheated Ghanaians by charging 10% of every major project carried out in the country and then pocketed the money at the expense of the nation. Between 2001 and 2003 the Kuffour's administration also sold the 31 viable national assets to nobody knows who. Ghana Telecom now Vodafone was also sold before he left office. And the money? It is better to ask them.</div>
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Ghana today is a miserable poor country with massive unemployment, infrastructure decay, and the cities filled with filth thanks to the leadership of the leading political parties. The leadership failures coupled with the massive corruption in government has reduced the country and its people to beggars and its youth, children have been stripped of their future as is evidenced in our streets where Kayayos and children selling ice water has become the order of the day.</div>
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Ghanaians must free themselves from the tyranny of the corrupt NDC and the NPP. It is only when a people begin to see how bad and wicked their leaders have been to them that they will be able to overthrow them democratically. Be careful who you vote for.</div>
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By Lord Aikins Adusei<br />politicalthinker1@yahoo.com</div>
</div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-70267383194751203682012-02-25T00:06:00.002-08:002012-08-23T15:14:16.004-07:00Azorka Boys and Bamba Boys: the coming Boko Haram in Ghana?<br />
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 19px;">The Azorka Boys and the Bamba Boys have not yet become Boko Haram (i.e. terrorist group). At the moment they are still obediently taking orders from their political masters and being fed with the crumbs that fall from the tables of their NDC and NPP financial and logistical backers. But anyone with critical eyes will agree with me that Azorka Boys and the Bamba Boys have all the hallmarks and characteristics of Boko Haram.</span>
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<span class="story_text_1">The transformation of Boko Haram from obscure
religious sect into a force that now threatens to disintegrate Nigeria
is a topic that has engaged the attention of many terrorism and
counterterrorism experts in West Africa, Europe and the United States.
In less than ten years Boko Haram has transitioned from an unknown force
structure to a prominent and vital part of the global network of
terrorism with capabilities to strike anywhere in Nigeria with no
difficulties. Boko Haram now threatens to annihilate not only the
social, economic and political foundation of Nigeria but also the
country’s ten year constitutional order. <br /><br />On Friday the 20th of
January Boko Haram members placed several bombs in key locations in the
city of Kano and detonated the bombs, which were accompanied by
shootings with security forces. More than 211 people lost their lives
making it one of the bloody days in the history of 'democratic' Nigeria.
In addition to the Kano bombings, the Boko Haram terrorists have been
behind a series of bombings in Nigeria including the bombing of the
United Nations building in Abuja on Friday 26th August 2011; the
Damaturu and Maiduguri attacks which occurred on 4th November 2011; the
Christmas day bombing on 25th December 2011 that killed 41 and injured
more than 57 people; the 5th and 6th January 2012 assaults on churches
and businesses in the cities of Maiduguri, Gombi, Mubi, and Yola that
killed more than 37 people; and the Easter bombing of 8th April 2012
which killed more than 38 people. <br /><br />Many of the group’s terror
activities have been directed against state institutions and Christians
and their houses of worship. By deliberately targeting churches and
Christians the terror group hopes to aggravate the religious
polarisation in the country and to ignite a sectarian warfare that will
ultimately cause Nigeria to implode. <br /><br />But the violence that has
engulfed Nigeria is not limited only to the north. In the South of the
country especially in the oil producing region of Niger Delta, a
petro-dollar armed insurgency has been going on for years. The Movement
for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), Niger Delta Volunteer
Force (NDVF), Niger Delta People's Volunteer Force (NDPVF) and other
ethnic militia groups and criminal networks operate freely with the
style of American gangsterism: robbing civilians, kidnapping oil workers
for ransom, bunkering oil, attacking oil and gas installations,
pirating cargo ships in the Gulf of Guinea and murdering rivals of their
political masters.<br /><br />In 1982 Chinua Achebe noted in his book “The
Trouble with Nigeria” that General Olusegun Obasanjo before handing over
as Head of State of the coup that brought Murtala Mohammed into power,
predicted that Nigeria would be counted among the “ten leading nations
in the world by the end of the [20th] century” but that prediction was
never to be. Instead the country descended into chaos, then into crisis,
and has ultimately become a failed state. In other words things have
fallen apart and there are fears that Nigeria may disintegrate
altogether.<br /><br />Professor Wole Soyinka, in a BBC interview, described
members of the Boko Haram group as not lawyers, bankers, engineers, or
doctors; but rather people schooled in the Islamic madrassas in Kano,
Kaduna and Maiduguri in the north of the country; then employed by the
northern elite who supplied them with arms and other weapons to cause
mischief and mayhem. Along the line the Boko Haram boys grew powerful
until their handlers could not control them anymore.<br /><br />But members
of Boko Haram also realised that they had been misused by their
political and economic masters and decided to demand a share of the cake
that the elites have stolen from the people of Nigeria. When the
masters refused, the Boys joined forces and with the support of Al Qaeda
metamorphosed into a radical movement i.e. Boko Haram. They however,
continued to receive the backing and support of the northern elite who
are still bent on using violence to maintain and control the country. In
November some senior figures of the Nigerian political class including
Senator Mohammed Ali Ndume were arrested after it was discovered that
they had met and supported Boko Haram.<br /><br />In January 2012 President
Goodluck Jonathan announced that members of his own government were
supporters and sympathisers of the Boko Haram terror group. It was a
child-cry that did not surprise anyone who is familiar with corruption
and political patronage in Nigeria. In fact some experts believe that
Boko Haram is both a project and a product of the corrupt political and
economic system that has been allowed to fester since the 1960s. It is a
project developed and used by the corrupt political and economic elites
to advance their political and economic interests and ambitions to the
neglect of the country called Nigeria. At the same time the violence
that has come to be associated with Boko Haram is both a product and a
response to the corrupt political and economic system that allows the
rulers to deny the poor masses their share of the national cake.<br /><br />In
the south of the country unscrupulous politicians, using stolen oil
money, pay thugs to cause mayhem, steal ballot boxes, disrupt voting
exercises and cause destruction to life and property. Nigerian
politicians of all colours hire unemployed youth as political hit squads
and assassins to kill and disorganise the political machinery of their
opponents. The Area Boys, as they are popularly known in Nigeria, are
provided with guns and money (stolen from the state coffers) to attack
their political opponents. Afterwards these same guns are used to rob
oil tankers, kidnap oil workers for ransom and to terrorise the
population.<br /><br />In Ghana I can see similar pattern being fashioned
out by the ruling NDC with their Azorka Boys and the opposition NPP with
their Bamba Boys. In Ghana it is common knowledge that the Azorka Boys
and the Bamba Boys are not men of any magnanimity or good behaviour.<br /><br />Like
the Boko Haram group in northern Nigeria, the Tamale based Azorka Boys
and Bamba Boys are no lawyers, doctors, or engineers. They are known to
be violent and lawless thugs who are paid by their power hungry
political masters to criminally cause mayhem and disturb the peace of
Ghanaians before and during elections. <br /><br />Like their counterparts
in Nigeria, the Azorka Boys and the Bamba Boys follow orders given by
their NDC and NPP pay masters. The ruthless tactics used by these Boys
and the political support they enjoy in the NDC and NPP are no different
from those used in southern Nigeria. During elections they are supplied
with all kinds of weapons by their masters to undermine the integrity
of political processes in the country. The behaviour of these Boys
during the Akwatia by-election and the 2008 elections are clear examples
of the threat they pose to the security architecture of Ghana.<br /><br />The
Boys have not yet become Boko Haram (i.e. terrorist group). At the
moment they are still obediently taking orders from their political
masters and being fed with the crumbs that fall from the tables of their
NDC and NPP financial and logistical backers. But anyone with critical
eyes will agree that the Azorka Boys and the Bamba Boys have all the
hallmarks and characteristics of Boko Haram.<br /><br />Is it by accident
that the Azorka Boys as a group is based in the north? Is it also
coincidental that majority of the Bamba Boys, if not all of them, belong
to a certain religious order? The question that security analysts are
grappling with is: will the Azorka Boys and Baba Boys evolve into Boko
Haram in Ghana? The answer is a strong yes.<br /><br />At the moment the
politico-socio-economic problems in Ghana particularly in the north have
created a fertile condition and all that these violent, lawless and
ruthless thugs need is a radical person who will indoctrinate and
radicalise them with dangerous jihadists’ ideologies and philosophies
and turned them into bombs and killing machines as Boko Haram is doing
in Nigeria. <br /><br />Some of the conditions that is likely to turn the
Boys into bombs and killings machines include the extreme poverty and
inequality in northern part of Ghana; the massive illiteracy in the
three northern regions, the neglect of the northern youth by corrupt and
insensitive government; massive unemployment faced by the frustrated
and restless northern youth that has sparked migration to cities in the
south and the poor and failing educational system that offer little or
no skills to graduates. Others are the massive corruption on the part of
the elite class i.e. politicians, top civil servants, judges; the
politics based on ethnocentric, tribalistic, jihadists, and highly
inflammable language; the use of these boys by the politicians to fuel
the northern conflicts and most importantly the NPP and NDC penchant use
of the violent Azorka and Baba Boys to achieve political power. <br /><br />Given
these conditions the Boys can easily be exploited by Al Qaeda linked
terror groups to destabilise Ghana just as they have used Boko Haram to
do in Nigeria.<br /><br />By engaging the Boys to commit acts of violence on
their behalf, the NDC and NPP are slowly sowing seeds that will one day
germinate into terrorism and militancy in Ghana. The already violence
nature of the Azorka and Bamba Boys makes their transition to become
horsemen of apocalypse very easy. In other words the country risks being
infested with the Nigerian disease i.e. terrorism, militancy,
instability, anarchy and disorder if the use of violent thugs by the NDC
and NPP is not discontinued. <br /><br />However, there is opportunity to
prevent Ghana from going the path of Nigeria. One key solution is for
the NDC and NPP to dismantle these lawless groups and also disarm all of
them, give them productive and employable skills, find jobs for them
and turn them into useful human beings rather than violent machines. It
is in the long term interest of Ghana and indeed both the NDC and NPP
that the threat posed by the Boys is eliminated before it becomes an
albatross around our neck. And who said there cannot be politics without
violence?</span><br />
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By Lord Aikins Adusei, politicalthinker1@yahoo.com</div>
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Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-90946337246059363952012-02-24T23:27:00.000-08:002012-02-24T23:44:42.046-08:00NDC can avoid catastrophic defeat in 2012 Part II<br />
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President Mills and the NDC have serious work to do</div>
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In part one of our analyses <a href="http://lordadusei.blogspot.com/2012/02/ndc-can-avoid-catastrophic-defeat-in.html">we identified internal crisis</a> in the NDC as a major strategic factor that could cost the party its reelection effort. We argued that the National Democratic Congress (NDC) will be able to avoid catastrophic defeat in the 2012 elections if it dealt seriously with the internal division, factionalism, disunity, accusations and counter accusations within the party. We added that the NDC could win power if it brought calm, discipline, unity, and worked to bring the Rawlingses, Dr. Spio Garbrah, Dr. Kwesi Botchway and the other disgruntled party leaders into the campaign machinery.</div>
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In this part two of our analyses we focus on those national issues that may cost the NDC its effort to retain the presidency as well as those issues that the opposition is likely to use weaken the government's chances of getting reelected.</div>
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The first is government performance regarding the promises it made to the people during the 2008 elections. There are many of the electorates who are going to look at those promises and see if they have been fulfilled or not. These promises include fuel price reduction, solving the Ya Na murder issue, unemployment, building two universities in Volta and Brong Ahafo, stadium in Cape Coast, fighting the drug menace in the Ghana and ending corruption.</div>
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The NDC may lose votes among certain key voting blocs for its failure to deliver certain specific promises. For example the STX housing issue which has not gone down well with the security forces may force them to vote against the government.</div>
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Similarly voters in Tamale and Yendi and the greater Northern Region may vote against the NDC for the promised but unsolved murder of Ya Na. In addition the NDC government is likely to encounter the wrath of voters in the three northern regions for the handling of the Savannah Accelerated Development Authority (SADA) issue. SADA became a serious issue in 2011 and voters who feel that the president and his government have not kept their promise may decide to vote against it.</div>
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The politicisation of the school feeding programme where people already contracted under the previous regime to provide meals for pupils had their contracts abrogated may cost the NDC some votes not only those who lost their contracts but also parents and guardians who suffered unnecessary from the confusions that came to be associated with the programme in some schools. On the other hand those who got the contracts after they were abrogated may also reward the government.</div>
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In addition the constituencies that were promised their separate districts but have so far not obtained them may also decide to punish the NDC for its failure to deliver on those promises.</div>
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Brong Ahafo and Volta Regions may also deny the NDC the votes it needs to retain power due to the government's failure to build them the Universities as promised. The voters in Volta Region may not necessary vote for the opposition NPP but may abstain from voting which may as well scatter the government's chances to retain power.</div>
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Voters in Cape Coast may as well punish the government for failing to build the stadium promised them. Unless the government can convincingly explain why these promises have not been kept the elections may not go well for the NDC.</div>
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The people of Western region may vote on whether or not the NDC has enabled them to benefit directly from the oil and gas find. The failure of the government to grant the people of Western Region the 10% oil revenue they demanded may cost the NDC some votes if the people interpret the government's decision as being insensitive to their plight. Additionally the recent brouhaha surrounding the citing of the gas project in two communities may as well cost the government some votes if they are unable to pacify the people of Bonyere in the Jomoro District who are angry about the government's decision to relocate the gas plant to Atuabo in the Ellembele District.</div>
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The youth and particularly holders of university degrees, Higher National Diploma (HND) and Senior High School certificates who are willing to work but cannot find jobs may vent their anger and frustration on the government and may decide not to vote for the government.</div>
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On a national level electorates are going to vote on whether fuel prices which the NDC promised to reduce has in fact been reduced or not. In other words voters are going to vote on whether or not they consider fuel prices higher and biting compared to what existed before the NDC replaced the NPP.</div>
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Cost of living including food, accommodation, clothing, electricity and health may play a strategic role in determining whether or not voters will vote to retain the government or not.</div>
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Of critical importance is the government management of the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS). The government has so far failed to deliver on its promise of the one-time payment policy. The poor handling of the NHIS and the controversies in Hospitals where patients have been refused treatment or have been forced to pay for healthcare despite having their NHIS contributions may cost government dearly. The recent demonstrations in Ashanti region should give the government a clue that all is not well with the management of the NHIS. Under the fourth republic many households believe that the National Health Insurance Scheme is one of the best things that have ever happened to them and therefore their inability to access healthcare despite their NHIS contributions may cost the government a good number of votes.</div>
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Additionally parents and guardians' ability to meet education expenses: fess, books, transportation and accommodation may be a decider in the 2012 elections.</div>
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The second is how the government has dealt with issues that have come up in the 4 years that they have been in power including allegations of corruption, incompetence, mismanagement, cover ups, and embezzlements.</div>
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We believe that the government can campaign on its economic record particularly the low inflationary figures and high economic growth rate. For example the 12% growth rate in 2011 could be used by the government to highlight its achievement. But low inflation and high economic growth rate may mean very little to voters if they cannot feel its impacts in their life. In other words voters will vote on those records if they can concritise or feel it in their pockets.</div>
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Another critical issue that may help the government is its bold implementation of the single spine salary programme. Those whose income and salaries have gone up due to the policy may decide to reward the government with their votes. However, those workers whose incomes and salaries have been slashed as a result of the policy change, as recently complained by doctors, may decide to punish the government for that. Of even critical are those workers who have still not been transferred to the scheme despite promises by government officials.</div>
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The government will be in great danger if the opposition parties particularly the New Patriotic Party (NPP) decide to make political capital out of these promises that have not been fulfilled. We believe that the opposition parties particularly the NPP will make political capital out of certain key issues that have taken place over the last three years under the current NDC regime.</div>
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On top of the issues are the Alfred Agbesi Woyome fiasco and what appear to have been a presidential cover up as well as the silence, confusion and contradictory statements from the communication team of the presidency and the party. The claim by president Mills that he had no knowledge of the debt payments together with allegations that his own ministers refused to obey his orders to stop the payments are likely to be used by his opponents to portray him as a weak president who is not on top of his administration.</div>
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Another issue that is likely to make campaign issue was Agyemang Konadu's decision to contest the party's flag bearership which was interpreted as an indictment of the performance of the government. Mrs. Konadu's decision is likely to give the NPP argumentative ammunition to punch the government.</div>
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The STX housing debacle will definitely be used by opponents of the president to portray him as someone who is full of promises but is always found wanting when it comes to delivering.</div>
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The gargantuan crime statement by the sacked minister of Justice, Martin Amidu and the Betty Mould-Iddrisu, Sipa Yankey and Muhammad Muntaka resignation on corruption allegations will likely put the government on defensive position. The opposition parties are likely to portray the government as ridden with corruption and hence does not deserve to be given a second chance.</div>
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We also believe that the alleged $20 million Adabraka NDC party mansion which the NDC failed to explain to the people of Ghana, and the contradictory statements by party officials will surface again during the campaign.</div>
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Additionally the sacking of Professor Frimpong Boateng; the handling of strike by doctors and other workers; President Mills' Ivory Coast “dzi wo fie asem” statement; the Kwabena Adjei's cleansing the judiciary comments; Teye Nyawunu's statement about Yutong buss statements; the power struggle between Mahama Ayariga and Koku Anyidoho; Asiedu Nketiah's Bui Dam cement corruption saga; Mahama Ayariga's tractor deal and other issues will force the government on the defensive.</div>
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Our analyses of these issues show that if the government and its strategists fail to appropriately respond to these issues and convince the electorates, it may send the government into opposition after the 2012 elections.</div>
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By Lord Aikins Adusei<br />
politicalthinker1@yahoo.com</div>
</div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-21130174199852527492012-02-24T23:18:00.000-08:002012-02-24T23:45:16.875-08:00NDC can avoid catastrophic defeat in 2012. Part I<br />
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The ball is in the corner of President Mills</div>
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<span style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 19px;">The government badly needs the Rawlingses who command huge popularity among the foot soldiers particularly the electorates in Volta, Northern, Upper West and Upper East Regions. These regions have in recent elections supported NDC largely because of the personality and popularity of ex-president Rawlings. Therefore to antagonize Rawlings is to antagonize his diehard supporters in these regions. This is why the communication team at the presidency and the party headquarters must begin to use every channel and strategy possible to bridge gap with the Rawlingses.</span>
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By Lord Aikins Adusei</div>
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The NDC was a formidable party in 2008, but currently looks like a losing party, bruised by events that are largely its own creation and which may as well cost it the presidency in the 2012 elections. The question being asked behind closed doors, and in which NDC strategies and policymakers are grappling with, is whether the party can retain power in the 2012 elections. It is our view that the NDC can retain power if it is able to address two critical issues. The first has to do with internal party crisis and the second is about broader national problems. For the purposes of space we have limited our analysis to the first problem i.e. the internal party crisis hoping to address the second issue in part two of our article.</div>
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Experience has shown that political parties that are internally fragmented and beset with infighting and squabbles also find it difficult to present a credible and winnable message to electorates. Internal squabbles and infighting is the most serious challenge that might prevent the NDC from winning the 2012 elections. Whether viewed from outside or inside the party there are plenty indication the party and government, as they are now, are more fragmented, and inundated with problems that are slowly spoiling the party's chances.</div>
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The first internal problem that must be settled at all cost has to do with the Rawlingses, their foot soldiers and aggrieved supporters. The Rawlingses remain a force within the party and command respectable popularity with the masses and foot soldiers. So far as the party foot soldiers are concerned the problems that ex-president Rawlings have with the government have not been adequately resolved.</div>
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There is no doubt that the outcome of the Sunyani congress that reelected President Mills as party flagbearer would have been different had party foot soldiers been given the opportunity to vote. Notwithstanding their disenfranchisement, the foot soldiers would get the opportunity to vote in 2012 and Mr. Rawlings can play a strategic role in determining how the foot soldiers will vote.</div>
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The government badly needs the Rawlingses who command huge popularity among the foot soldiers particularly the electorates in Volta, Northern, Upper West and Upper East Regions. These regions have in recent elections supported NDC largely because of the personality and popularity of ex-president Rawlings. Therefore to antagonize Rawlings is to antagonize his diehard supporters in these regions. This is why the communication team at the presidency and the party headquarters must begin to use every channel and strategy possible to bridge gap with the Rawlingses.</div>
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Equally disturbing internal issue has to do with the perceived factionalism and sidelining of some party power holders by those close to the president which appear to be slowly disintegrating the party. On the 10th of January 2012 NDC Party chairman Dr. Kwabena Adjei, wrote a letter to the president asking him to convene a meeting of the party's bigwigs to “discuss and resolve very urgent disintegrative factional dynamics and processes within the NDC before it is too late for the 2012 General Elections”.</div>
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Although the party chairman did not mention names in his letter he clearly pointed out the sources of some of the squabbles that are undermining the party's 2012 election chances. One of them is that there is a huge perception within rank and file of the party that people who did not contribute to the party's electoral victory in 2008 are now reaping the benefits while those who fought for the party appeared to have been sidelined. In the party chairman's view “most Party members do not think and feel that they have so far had that political space for which they dedicated their times, energies and resources during the 2008 electioneering campaign. Indeed, my impression is that most of our Party members do not even feel that they belong to a Party they aggressively defend. As a person who, without resources, contributed greatly to our electoral victory all I have deserved are abuse, character assassination, blocking of my efforts and physical threats to my person”.</div>
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If Dr. Kwabena Adjei's letter is superimposed on the press conference held by Kwamena Ahwoi, P. V. Obeng, Kofi Totobi-Quakyi and Ato Ahwoi, it gives a clear and a bigger picture of the huge internal problems facing the party and the government which might bring down the government. In a joint statement on Tuesday 16th February 2012 the four party stalwarts said they are aware of “scurrilous anonymous tract circulating within NDC circles and in some selected media houses obviously in reaction to our perceived roles in the administration of His Excellency President John Evans Atta Mills.”</div>
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Viewed closely it can be said that P.V. Obeng and the Awhoi's press conference are in reaction to the Kwabena Adjei's letter. These four power holders and their cohorts are believed to be those in control of government machinery and pulling the strings from behind the scene. They are also believed to be those whose actions have infuriated the Rawlingses and their supporters which also necessitated Dr. Kwabena Adjei's letter. Any attempt to ensure the party's efforts to retain power in 2012 elections must address adequately the concerns raised by Kwabena Adjei and the P. V. Obeng group.</div>
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Another serious internal issue is how to convince Spio Garbrah and his friends to work for the reelection of a government that appear to have treated them with contempt. This is a huge problem for the government giving the fact that any gesture by the government might be seen by others as attempt to use them to win power only to be dumped again. Also important is how to convince the sitting MPs who have lost the opportunity to represent their constituencies to forget about all that has happened and support the campaign of the president.</div>
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Even within the cabinet itself there are clear signals that there are divisions and acrimonies going on. A careful reading of Martin Amidu's press conference on 14th January 2012 gives an indication that there was behind the scene conflict between cabinet ministers regarding the Woyome scandal. The acrimonies were between cabinet members who wanted the case to be reopened in court and the money collected and those who wanted the issue to be swept under the carpet. From what has transpired over the last couple of weeks it appears Martin Amidu belonged to the camp that supported reopening of the case while Betty Mould and perhaps Kwabena Duffuor did not.</div>
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Martin Amidu's claim that a colleague minister planted a false story in the Daily Post on 3rd January 2012 is a testimony of the division and infighting within the cabinet that has also affected its performance to a greater degree.</div>
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“Consequently, I wish to assure the people of Ghana that I still stand by my promise in spite of the fact that hard core criminals in our society today have made it a habit to hold paid membership cards of major political parties in the republic as an unconstitutional insurance against crime and criminal prosecutions. …I wish core members and supporters of the NDC who cherish the principles and ideas upon which the party was founded to know that the attacks against me which started in the Daily Post publications of the 3rd January 2012 were planned by a colleague Minister of State, who perceived that my integrity and professionalism as a lawyer was a threat to the concealment of gargantuan crimes against the people of Ghana in which they might be implicated.”</div>
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It appears the fear among some cabinet members that any prosecution of the case might implicate them was the reason why the infighting deepened which eventually saw Amidu being sacked. The fact that Martin Amidu and Betty Mould Iddrisu are out of government speaks volume of the tension in cabinet meetings. Nevertheless their supporters might still be there and may still be continuing the fight. Any effort to win power must not forget the wrangling within the cabinet.</div>
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Nevertheless, the way things look in the party it appears that serious work have to be done by party executives and members of the government to resolve all party conflicts, bring calm, discipline, unify all the factions, build mutual respect and understanding, so as to build a coalition that can work to bring victory. That is if the government is willing to get the cooperation of key members and the foot soldiers then it must soften its position, bury old scores and build alliances with all those that matter in the party including the Rawlingses, Spio Garbrah, Kwesi Botchway etc. However, which ever way one looks at the party internal wrangling, factionalism, disunity, accusations and counter accusations, one thing is certain: not all can be convinced to join the reelection campaign of the Mills-Mahama government and may as well cost the president and the party the supports and votes they need to win power.</div>
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This leads us to national problem that the government must deal with: i.e. how to convince the broader electorate and the general public that the government has done creditably well and therefore deserve reelection. Here too there are major issues that the government must address.<br />
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We will reserve the analysis of this national problem in part <a href="http://lordadusei.blogspot.com/2012/02/ndc-can-avoid-catastrophic-defeat-in_24.html">two of our article</a> and how the opposition NPP might capitalize on these problems and use them as ammunitions to win votes including the STX housing debacle; the Alfred Agbesi Woyome fiasco and the silence, confusion and contradictory statements from the communication team of the presidency and the party; the gargantuan crime statement by the sacked minister of Justice, Martin Amidu and the resignation of Betty Mould-Iddrisu as minister of education; the $20 million Adabraka party mansion saga; the sacking of Professor Frimpong Boateng; the handling of strike by doctors; Mills' Ivory Coast “dzi wo fie asem” statement; the Kwabena Adjei's cleansing the judiciary comments; Teye Nyawunu's statement about Yutong buss statements; the power struggle between Mahama Ayariga and Koku Anyidoho; Asiedu Nketiah's Bui Dam cement corruption saga; Sipa Yankey's Mabey and Johnson corruption issue; Mahama Ayariga's tractor deal; Muntaka pampas and 'kyinkyinka' scandal; the cocaine turned soda powder saga; the Woyome saga and the claim by president Mills that he had no knowledge about the debt payments;Rawlingses ridge housing issue, Agyemang Konadu's context of the party's flag bearership; etc.</div>
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By Lord Aikins Adusei<br />
politicalthinker1@yahoo.com</div>
</div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-35208747342496391652012-01-12T09:32:00.000-08:002012-01-12T09:32:00.262-08:00Martin Amidu: I never begged to be A-G; Kobby Fiagbe says he is even unfit for the office<table border="0" cellpadding="0" cellspacing="0" style="-webkit-border-horizontal-spacing: 0px; -webkit-border-vertical-spacing: 0px; background-color: #fafafa; border-collapse: collapse; color: black; font-family: arial, helvetica, clean, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 16px; width: 990px;"><tbody>
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<tr><td align="left" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;" valign="top"><div id="story_photo" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; width: auto;"><div class="image-frame" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><img alt="Martin Amidu: I never begged to be A-G; Kobby Fiagbe says he is even unfit for the office" src="http://photos.myjoyonline.com/photos/news/201108/241939711_688683.jpg" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-style: initial; border-style: initial; border-style: initial; border-top-width: 0px; display: block;" title="Martin Amidu: I never begged to be A-G; Kobby Fiagbe says he is even unfit for the office" /></div><div class="caption" style="background-color: #efefef; border-bottom-color: rgb(205, 205, 205); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 2px; color: dimgrey; font-size: 11px; padding-bottom: 4px; padding-left: 7px; padding-right: 7px; padding-top: 4px;"><span class="caption-text" style="font-size: 10px; line-height: 12px;">A-G, Martin Amidu</span></div></div></td><td align="left" style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;" valign="top"><div style="margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; width: 10px;"></div></td></tr>
</tbody></table><span class="story_text_1" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; line-height: 22px;">Editor of pro-NDC newspaper, the Ghanaian Lens, Mr Kobby Fiagbe, says Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Mr Martin Amidu is unfit for the office of A-G and must thus be sacked with immediate effect.<br />
<br />
Mr Fiagbe said he and others did not “hound” former A-G Betty Mould Iddrisu out of office for Mr Amidu to come and do worse.<br />
<br />
The A-G, in a press release Wednesday described sections of the pro-government press as “a partisan and rented NDC press group who perceive that I am not performing the duties of my office in their partisan political interests.”<br />
<br />
He said “a colleague Minister of State, who perceived that my integrity and professionalism as a lawyer was a threat to the concealment of gargantuan crimes against the people of Ghana…” connived “to unleash the gullible section of the NDC press on me by the leakage of official documents from my ministry through the perverse section of a rented NDC press to the public beginning the 3rd of January 2012.”<br />
<br />
But those comments have attracted the fury of Mr Fiagbe who says Mr Amidu cannot continue to hold the high office of A-G when he publicly admits, through his own press statement, that he knows criminals walking the streets of Ghana.<br />
<br />
Mr Fiagbe, told Citi FM Thursday that the A-G was a beneficiary of their agitations that led to the removal of Mrs Iddrisu from office and his appointment as the A-G and he should not call them “criminal NDC press.”<br />
<br />
He challenged Mr Amidu to arrest and prosecute owners of the press he says are criminal press or forever hold his peace.<br />
<br />
Mr Amidu, however, appears unperturbed by the calls for his dismissal having said in his press statement that “As for the section of the rented NDC press calling for my removal or dismissal from office, I wish to assure them that I never begged to be appointed Attorney-General: I opposed it on four separate occasions. That criminal section of the NDC press should be assured that I am ready, able and willing for that eventuality. The inescapable fact is that at the end of the day truth will prevail over falsehood in the Republic of Ghana.”<br />
<br />
Below is the full statement as issued by Mr Martin Amidu:<br />
<br />
This press release has been necessitated by three telephone calls from Bawku in the Upper East Region, Burma Camp and Tema both in the Greater Accra Region on the 9th January 2012 expressing support and urging caution for my personal safety because of the cowardly, malicious and libelous attacks against my well established reputation and integrity as a lawyer, a politician and the Attorney- General of the Republic of Ghana by a partisan and rented NDC press group who perceive that I am not performing the duties of my office in their partisan political interests.<br />
<br />
I wish to assure the members and supporters of the National Democratic Congress who are still unequivocally and resolutely committed to the original ideas of the 31st December revolution of “Freedom, Justice, Probity and Accountability:,” enshrined in the preamble of the 1992 constitution that I remain steadfast to those principles, ideals and commitments as the foundation of the fourth republican constitution. I remember the gallant men and women who laid down their lives in diverse ways that this country must live and serve the cause of the majority of the ordinary people whose sweat has consistently been exploited by the elite and elitist politicians in the name of service to the people.<br />
<br />
I appreciate the privilege and recognition accorded my integrity and honesty over the decades when I was invited on the 4th June 2011 to lay the wreath on behalf of the probity, transparency and accountability in memory of our fallen colleagues and heroes.<br />
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I have faith and believe in my Ministerial oath of office as a Minister of State and my cabinet oath that requires me to “uphold, preserve, protect and defend the constitution of the Republic of the Ghana as by law established…” Consequently, I wish to assure the people of Ghana that I still stand by my promise in spite of the fact that hard core criminals in our society today have made it a habit to hold paid membership cards of major political parties in the republic as an unconstitutional insurance against crime and criminal prosecutions.<br />
<br />
I wish core members and supporters of the NDC who cherish the principles and ideas upon which the party was founded to know that the attacks against me which started in the Daily Post publications of the 3rd January 2012 were planned by a colleague Minister of State, who perceived that my integrity and professionalism as a lawyer was a threat to the concealment of gargantuan crimes against the people of Ghana in which they might be implicated. An alibi was consequently created on 30th December 2011 to unleash the gullible section of the NDC press on me by the leakage of official documents from my ministry through the perverse section of a rented NDC press to the pubic beginning the 3rd of January 2012.<br />
<br />
That has back fired because the leaked official documents by the Daily Post; the Informer; the National Democrat; the Ghanaian Lens; etc have rather inadvertently supported my honesty and integrity in public office and my call for the prosecution of criminals regardless of their political party colorations or their social status.<br />
<br />
I was deputy Attorney-General and Deputy Minister for Justice for upwards of twelve and half years and know it is not proper for an Attorney-General to execute the functions entrusted to him under article 88 of the constitution in the media instead of the courts of justice. I will speak to the media when it is absolutely necessary to do so but I will not discuss people’s rights and cases in the media to prejudice their eventual procedural rights to a fair trial.<br />
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The ethics of a legal profession and the Bar, of which I am a leader, are more sacred to me than that of young and inexperienced members of a communication team of the NDC who are absolutely ignorant of the functions of an Attorney-General under the Constitution of Ghana.<br />
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I wish to conclude in this press statement by stating that there is not a single criminal docket against any high political operative of the NPP which has been ready for prosecution in the Director of Public Prosecution’s office that I have failed or refused to prosecute as that Minister of State and the gullible NDC press want the whole world to believe. Fairness requires that NDC criminals be prosecuted by me as well, as an independent and impartial Attorney-General, albeit appointed by the NDC Government.<br />
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I have sufficient integrity and experience as a Ghanaian and a legal practitioner who has personally conducted several leading cases reported in the Law Reports of Ghana to naively send hearsay and newspaper accusations to the courts of Justice only to lose them as was the practice a few years past.<br />
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Cool heads are what are needed in the office of the Attorney-General and not emotions, inexperience and crass incompetence in the practice of the law.<br />
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As for the section of the rented NDC press calling for my removal or dismissal from office, I wish to assure them that I never begged to be appointed Attorney-General: I opposed it on four separate occasions. That criminal section of the NDC press should be assured that I am ready, able and willing for that eventuality. The inescapable fact is that at the end of the day truth will prevail over falsehood in the Republic of Ghana.<br />
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I do not fear for my personal safety in a cause I have fought for since I was 30 years old. I am now over 60 years and count myself lucky if I pay the ultimate sacrifice which my compatriots paid in 1979 and 1981 belatedly in the regime of the third NDC Government.<br />
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When you die you never know you never lived. Destiny can never be changed but the good people of Ghana and those who laid down their lives for them will forever live on.<br />
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Ghana as a nation can never and should never be allowed to be intimidated by charlatans in political disguise.</span></div></td></tr>
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</tbody></table>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-61077839000982066752012-01-09T00:46:00.000-08:002012-01-09T00:46:48.841-08:00Global Energy Security and Africa's rising Strategic Importance<div class="figure3" style="color: #333333; cursor: pointer; float: left; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif, 'MS sans serif'; font-size: 12px; margin-bottom: 0em; margin-left: 0em; margin-right: 5px; margin-top: 0em; padding-bottom: 0.2em; padding-right: 5px; width: 240px;"><div id="newsimage"><div><div class="mgsImg" style="overflow-x: hidden; overflow-y: hidden; position: relative; width: 240px;"><br class="Apple-interchange-newline" /><img alt="Oil and gas are strategic commodities" border="0" hspace="0" src="http://img.modernghana.com/images/content3/240x_mg_dhx3bnm00u_oil_pump_500.jpg" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px; cursor: pointer; height: 180px; width: 240px;" vspace="0" /><div class="mgscap" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(http://www.modernghana.com/images/ico/bg-transparent.png); background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: repeat repeat; bottom: 0px; color: white; left: 0px; margin-bottom: -1px; position: absolute; width: 240px;"><div class="mgscapTxt" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 10px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 13px; padding-bottom: 7px; padding-left: 6px; padding-right: 6px; padding-top: 7px; text-align: center;">Oil and gas are strategic commodities</div></div></div></div></div><div class="CICssVerticalSpacer" style="height: 10px; width: 240px;"></div><div class="contenthome11" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-bottom-style: dashed; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-image: initial; border-left-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-left-style: dashed; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-right-style: dashed; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; padding-bottom: 5px; padding-top: 5px;"><div id="body2" style="font-size: 11px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0"><tbody>
<tr><td><img alt="" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/start_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" width="24" /> <span style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 19px;">Thus whether analysed from the perspective of the United States, the European Union or China, there is growing recognition that Africa is on a strategic transition to become a major geostrategic powerhouse for the maintenance of the global economic system. As a matter of fact Africa now features in the international calculus of many of the major global energy importers indicating the growing significance of the continent to maintaining a healthy global economic system.</span><img align="right" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/end_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" vspace="0" width="23" /><div style="border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; clear: both; margin-top: 5px; padding-top: 5px; text-align: center;"><br />
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</tbody></table></div></div></div><div id="bodytext" style="color: #333333; font: normal normal normal 14px/normal Arial, sans-serif; margin-right: 4px; padding-left: 1px; padding-right: 5px;"><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Africa is emerging as one of the strategic regions with significant contribution for the maintenance of the global energy security architecture. Since 1998, beginning with President Bill Clinton's visit to Africa, a number of high level officials from U.S., China, India, Russia, Turkey, Brazil and the E.U. have visited the continent with most of the visits taking place in oil and gas-rich countries. </div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;">President George W. Bush visited the continent twice before the end of his 8 year term. In 2006 President Hu Jintao of </span><st1:country-region><st1:place><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: SV;">China</span></st1:place></st1:country-region><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;">, Prime Minister Wen Jiabao and China's foreign minister together visited 15 countries in </span><st1:place><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: SV;">Africa</span></st1:place><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;">. In 2009 President Obama visited both </span><st1:country-region><st1:place><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: SV;">Egypt</span></st1:place></st1:country-region><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;"> and </span><st1:country-region><st1:place><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: SV;">Ghana</span></st1:place></st1:country-region><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;">. He was quickly followed by Secretary Hilary Clinton who visited 7 countries including </span><st1:country-region><st1:place><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: SV;">Nigeria</span></st1:place></st1:country-region><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;"> and </span><st1:country-region><st1:place><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: SV;">Angola</span></st1:place></st1:country-region><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;"> both major oil exporters.</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;"> </span>These visits are important because oil and gas remain strategic commodities critical to the functioning of the global economic system.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Officially Africa is known to have 10% and 8% share of the proven global oil and gas reserves respectively. According to the 2009 U.S. Energy Information Administration records, Libya is home to Africa's largest oil reserves with about 43.7 billion barrels in total, followed by Nigeria with 36.2 billion barrels, Algeria 12.2 billion barrels and Angola with 9 billion barrels. Other countries like Sudan, Gabon, Cameroon, Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Egypt, Mozambique, Ghana and Uganda have huge deposits of oil and gas which are either being exported or are being developed for export. Moreover, there is growing recognition among energy experts that Africa may be home to unknown quantities of oil and gas reserves making it what experts refer to as the 'New Gulf' in reference to the oil-rich Persia Gulf. Tapping these reserves is very important for the energy dependent economies of U.S., China, India, and the E.U.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Available information indicate that Africa has overtaken the Middle East as a major oil supplier to the U.S. Data from U.S. Energy Information Administration indicate that in 2010 U.S. total oil import from Africa amounted to 21.7% of U.S. total global oil import. In the same period U.S. oil import from the Middle East was 18.5% of US total global oil import. It is projected that U.S. oil import from Africa will reach 25% in 2015 and will grow even further as Ghana begins to export some of its oil to the country.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Europe's dependence on Africa energy is also growing. Algeria, Angola, Egypt, Libya and Nigeria in particular have become very important energy suppliers to the European Union. France for instance is the single largest EU importer of Angolan oil. The 27 EU members together buy three-fifths of Algerian Liquefied Natural Gas exports.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Nigeria with its 3% share of global gas reserves, exports nearly two-thirds of its gas to the EU making her the EU's fourth largest major natural gas supplier. A $10 billion Trans-Sahara Pipeline from Nigeria through Niger and to Algeria is expected to boost gas export from Nigeria to the European market and solidify the continent as a major gas exporter to the EU. Similarly the EU is expected to secure about 15% of its power needs from the planed $550 billion solar power project in North Africa dubbed the DESERTEC Project.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">New comers in the global energy consumption league including China and India have also focused their attention on Africa. Angola, Nigeria, Sudan, and the Republic of Congo have become China's major oil suppliers providing China with 30% of its annual oil imports. According to Jeffrey Henderson, in 2003 about 41 per cent of Sudan's exports and 23 per cent of Angola's mostly oil went to China. Vivian Foster of the World Bank notes that since 2006 two Chinese companies: China National Oil Corporation and China National Petroleum Corporation have committed to invest about $5 billion in Nigeria, $3 billion in Angola and $1.5 billion in Sudan. Jeffrey Henderson notes that in 2005, China's Export–Import Bank had investment portfolio of US$15 billion in Africa mostly in the energy, mining and construction sectors.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Thus whether analysed from the perspective of the United States, the European Union or China, there is growing recognition that Africa is on a strategic transition to become a major geostrategic powerhouse for the maintenance of the global economic system. As a matter of fact Africa now features in the international calculus of many of the major global energy importers indicating the growing significance of the continent to maintaining a healthy global economic system.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Several other factors also buttress Africa's rising strategic importance to the global energy security architecture. They include among other things higher oil prices; the peaking of energy production in the North Sea; the unpredictability of Russia as energy supplier to the EU; climate change; rising energy consumption in China and India and the ensuing competition with U.S. and the EU for the remaining 1,114 trillion barrels of global oil reserves; and the arms race, conflicts and instability in the Middle East which together controls 60% and 41% of global oil and gas reserves respectively.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">For example for the United States, due to the arms race, conflicts and instability in the Middle East, now appear to favour energy imports from Africa more than the Middle East. Part of the reason is that there is stability in Africa now than it was in the 1970s, 1980s and early 1990s. The internal civil wars that ravaged Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Mozambique and Congo Brazzaville in the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s have been resolved and democratic governance is taking shape in a number of the countries, making security of production and transportation less a problem than they used to be.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Additionally, the prospect of major inter-state conflict in Africa involving the use of deadly weapons that could destabilise oil and gas supply looks relatively distant. Few African countries possess the destructive war machines that Middle Eastern countries have acquired over the last 10 to 20 years. In 2010 for example Saudi Arabia purchased $60 billion worth of U.S. military hardware which experts believe is geared towards countering Iran's arms build up. Again most of Africa's oil is located offshore and could be exploited and transported relatively easily with very little contact with the local population. By way of distance the parts of Africa where most of the oil and gas are located is relatively closer to the U.S. making cost of transportation and the security associated with it relatively less expensive. These factors make oil and gas from Africa more reliable than say the Middle East and remain some of the main reasons why Africa's strategic importance is growing among oil and gas importers.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Two things are worth mentioning here about Africa's rising strategic importance. The first is that the growing strategic importance may help Africa to enjoy economic growth, gain diplomatic respect, and secure influence on the global stage. Currently the increased investment from China, India, US and European Union is fuelling growth in energy export economies such as Angola, Ghana and Nigeria. The Economist magazine has predicted that between 2011 and 2015 seven of the top 10 fastest growing economies in the world will be found in Africa. This economic growth if well managed may help lift millions of people from poverty i.e. if the growth and the revenue are redistributed.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The growing demand for Africa's energy resources could also increase the bargaining capacity of the governments in Africa vis-à-vis energy buyers. The demand could mean more revenue to the governments which in theory could be used to reduce their dependence on aid and loans from the World Bank and IMF and hence correct the power imbalance between them. In other words the rise in demand for Africa's energy resources if better managed could alter the balance of power between Africans and their international creditors.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The second point is that as African countries become major oil and gas suppliers and as U.S. China, France, Britain, India, Russia, and Brazil increasingly compete with each other for the continent's energy resources, there are fears that the region is becoming a cockpit of superpower rivalry. Observers have indicated that rivalry is slowly leading to militarization of policies by energy importers towards the continent. It is believed that Libya became the first casualty of this rivalry in 2011. Critics of the war argue that the US-EU-NATO invasion was a strategy to scare away their rivals and competitors particularly China. As evidence, they point to the more than 35,000 Chinese oil and construction workers who were forced out of Libya during the invasion.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">In 2008 during a meeting with oil and gas multinationals in London, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, then NATO Secretary General announced that NATO would use its air, land and sea capabilities to police and protect the energy security interest of its members. That policy, it is argued, was implemented in Libya where NATO played a key role in overthrowing the Gaddafi government. As another sign of the growing militarisation of the continent, in 2007 President Bush Jr and the Pentagon, launched what they call Africa Command (AFRICOM) a military project which (although denied by U.S. officials) is intended to protect U.S. energy and other interest in Africa. The invasion of Ivory Coast (a small but significant oil exporter) by France in 2011 after the Ivorian electoral dispute also shows the increasing use of the military by foreign powers to achieve their national interest objectives in Africa.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">African governments and their peoples need to guide against the superpower competition and the associated rivalries and ensure that the attention the continent is receiving does not lead to exploitation, instabilities and proxy wars but rather opportunities for the masses. Therefore African countries should take a unified and coordinated approach vis-à-vis the major buyers to ensure that Africa's political and economic stability, long term security and prosperity of its citizens are not jeopardised.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Secondly, while African countries deepen partnership with energy multinationals they should formulate and implement policies to influence negotiation outcomes, and get the best commercial deals for their resources, so as to ensure that the people of Africa become the ultimate beneficiaries of their resources .</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Finally, there is perception particularly in Europe and America that Africa is both economic and political dwarf that can be manipulated to suit their interests. That perception ought to be corrected. Therefore, Africa should use its revenue to build economic and political power to influence and shape the current world order to its advantage. In other words Africa should harness its growing strategic importance to pursue agenda relevant to its interest.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The governments in Africa, the oil and gas industry, the academia, the media, civil society, and the think tanks all have a role to play in making Africa benefit from its growing strategic importance.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">By Lord Aikins Adusei. politicalthinker1@yahoo.com</div></div><div id="bodytext" style="color: #333333; font: normal normal normal 14px/normal Arial, sans-serif; margin-right: 4px; padding-left: 1px; padding-right: 5px;"></div><div id="body" style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, Helmet, Freesans, sans-serif; font-size: 11px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 10px; padding-top: 0px;"><br class="Apple-interchange-newline" /></div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-26400513492712756462012-01-09T00:23:00.000-08:002012-01-09T00:23:04.439-08:00Oil and Gas at Ghana-Ivorian border: conflict or cooperation?<h3 class="post-title entry-title" style="background-color: #f6f6f6; color: #9e5205; font: normal normal bold 160%/normal Verdana, sans-serif; letter-spacing: -1px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</h3><div class="post-header" style="background-color: #f6f6f6; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Trebuchet, Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><div class="post-header-line-1"></div></div><div class="post-body entry-content" id="post-body-2578507487200818203" style="background-color: #f6f6f6; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Trebuchet, Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><div class="figure3" style="color: #333333; cursor: pointer; float: left; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif, 'MS sans serif'; font-size: 12px; margin-bottom: 0em; margin-left: 0em; margin-right: 5px; margin-top: 0em; padding-bottom: 0.2em; padding-right: 5px; width: 240px;"><div id="newsimage"><div><div class="mgsImg" style="overflow-x: hidden; overflow-y: hidden; position: relative; width: 240px;"><br class="Apple-interchange-newline" /><img alt="Oil and gas resources at Ghana-Ivorian border: conflict or cooperation?" border="0" hspace="0" src="http://img.modernghana.com/images/content3/240x_mg_typb62erq4_oil_pump_500.jpg" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px; cursor: pointer; height: 180px; width: 240px;" vspace="0" /><div class="mgscap" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(http://www.modernghana.com/images/ico/bg-transparent.png); background-origin: initial; background-repeat: repeat repeat; bottom: 0px; color: white; left: 0px; margin-bottom: -1px; position: absolute; width: 240px;"><div class="mgscapTxt" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 10px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 13px; padding-bottom: 7px; padding-left: 6px; padding-right: 6px; padding-top: 7px; text-align: center;">Oil and gas resources at Ghana-Ivorian border: conflict or cooperation?</div></div></div></div></div><div class="CICssVerticalSpacer" style="height: 10px; width: 240px;"></div><div class="contenthome11" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-bottom-style: dashed; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-image: initial; border-left-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-left-style: dashed; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-right-style: dashed; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; padding-bottom: 5px; padding-top: 5px;"><div id="body2" style="font-size: 11px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0"><tbody>
<tr><td><img alt="" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/start_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" width="24" /> <span style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 19px;">However, if both countries choose to war-war instead of jaw-jaw then it is important to point out to them the ramifications of having to engage in a dangerously competitive and ruthlessly conflictual exercise. For example such conflictual exercise has potential to send West Africa back to the days of low investment, low economic growth, high inflation, huge external debts, human displacements and poverty.</span><img align="right" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/end_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" vspace="0" width="23" /><div style="border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; clear: both; margin-top: 5px; padding-top: 5px; text-align: center;"><br />
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</tbody></table></div></div></div><div id="bodytext" style="color: #333333; font: normal normal normal 14px/normal Arial, sans-serif; margin-right: 4px; padding-left: 1px; padding-right: 5px;"><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">By Lord Aikins Adusei</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The West African sub region and indeed the African continent is no stranger to conflicts and disputes over natural resources. The diamond conflict in Sierra Leone in the 1990s and the recent Niger Delta oil and gas conflicts in Nigeria are few examples of how resources have fuelled conflicts in the sub-region.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">In the 1980s and 1990s Nigeria and Cameroon clashed several times over oil and gas resources in the Bakassi Peninsula. The conflict was later settled by the International Court of Justice in The Hague, but not after several people have been killed. The conflict over gas and oil resources emanated from among other things the need by both countries to keep their territorial sovereignty intact, ensure energy and human security, economic survival including the need to benefit financially from the sale of the resources.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Recently in Ghana the media have reported that Cote d'Ivoire (Ivory Coast), which shares maritime border with Ghana, is making claims to parts of the sea where Ghana has recently discovered oil. The report saw Ghanaians pouring in on online chat rooms and radio discussions in solidarity of their country. They condemned the Ivorian claims as opportunistic.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Mr. Collins Dauda, Ghana's Lands and Natural Resources Minister buttressing the point that Ivorians are being opportunistic argued that there was no maritime dispute between Ghana and Ivory Coast, and that both countries had always respected the median line until oil and gas was found in the Ghana part of the maritime border. “All of a sudden, with the oil find, Ivory Coast is making a claim that is disrespecting this median line we have all respected. In which case we would be affected or the oil find will be affected” the Minister claimed.<br />
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Mr. Dauda was right about his 'no maritime dispute' statement. Ghana and Ivory Coast have been good neighbours ever since both countries gained independence. Both nations are trading partners. There is no memory of a major armed confrontation between the two sister nations. In 2011 Ghana even torpedoed efforts by regional bloc ECOWAS to invade Ivory Coast after the disputed elections. The government of Ghana argued at that time that war was not necessary and that dialogue should be used to settle the electoral dispute. When conflict finally erupted after France and UN joined the Alassan Quattara forces, Ghana became home to Ivorians who fled the conflict. Recently when I visited Sekondi-Takoradi, I was told stories of Ghanaians and Ivorians refugees dining and drinking together, confirming that both countries are like one big family.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Yet the recent discovery of oil and gas (both vital strategic commodities essential for the well-being of the global economy) is raising voices in both countries. Some of the hawkish voices are encouraging their governments to protect the sovereignty, territorial integrity and the national interest of their countries using every possible means including the use of the armed forces.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">However, I believe that those with moderate voices should let their voices be heard. Of course moderation does not mean that Ivory Coast and Ghana should ignore their national interests. Far from that, however, I believe that such national interests can be pursued democratically and diplomatically without agonising the populations in both countries and endangering the fragile peace in the sub-region.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Fortunately, both Ivory Coast and Ghana are leading and respected members of ECOWAS as well as the Africa Union and could use these regional institutions to peacefully settle any disputes they may have.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Additionally there is international framework of rules, regulations, conventions, laws and institutions which determine who is entitled to which asset on land and on the sea bed. Such regulations and framework also provide clear rules and guidelines as to how disputes could be determined or settled in international courts. I am sure both Ivory Coast and Ghana are signatory to some of these international conventions and should use them to address their concerns.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Aside using diplomacy and international legal system, both countries can choose cooperation: joint exploration, joint development and joint management of the disputed area(s) for the benefit of their countries. There are many examples of such cooperation and joint management around the world including that of China and Japan, and the European Union.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">In fact the current European Union was born out of the need to cooperate in pooling and sharing energy and other resources together. In May 1950 Robert Schuman, as French Foreign Minister, proposed that to perpetually eliminate devastating wars from Europe, archrivals France and Germany should pool their coal and steel production together and place it under one High Authority for the benefit of both countries and the rest of Europe. That proposal and its adoption have brought 60 years of political stability and economic prosperity to members of the European Union. Prior to the formation of EU, European countries fought several wars over resources including two world wars which were partly fought over access to resources.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The West Africa Power Pool and the West Africa Gas Pipeline coming from Nigeria to Togo, to Benin and to Ghana also serve as good examples on how the countries can share resources for their common good. There is nothing that prevents Ghana and Ivory Coast to follow these examples of cooperating to share resources for their own good.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">In other words no matter the scale of the maritime boundary dispute, it can be settled by means of arbitration, negotiation or cooperation.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Besides, Ivory Coast and Ghana live in an interdependent region with common non-traditional security threats including militancy, piracy, drug and human trafficking, terrorist attacks, poverty, food and health insecurity, environmental pollution, climate change, and deadly diseases such as HIV/AIDS. These problems demand a common, unified response and should make war between the two countries undesirable.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Ivorians and Ghanaians must remember that resources do not necessary bring conflict, people do and the people who advocate for conflict do so because of their interests. Much of the effort to solve the dispute will depend on the political and the military leadership as well as other groups (companies and individuals) with interest in the oil and gas resources in the area.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Therefore the leadership of both countries must demonstrate mutual political trust. They must show their commitment to dialogue and respect for international law and political structures within their countries and the sub-region; and they must discard any realist zero-sum perceptions they may have and approach the border dispute with openness, fairness and mutual respect.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">One critical element vital to avoiding any conflict or preventing conflict from escalating is communication. Ghana and Ivory Coast must establish communication at the ministerial and possibly at the presidential level. Similar communication and hotlines should be established at the military level and between the military chiefs of both countries so that should any skirmishes accidentally happen between the armies at the border the confidence could quickly be restored.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The citizens in Ghana and Ivory Coast also have a major role to play. While they may be the ultimate beneficiary of the resources, they may also be victims should the dispute become confrontational. Therefore the citizens must encourage their political leaders to use the available international laws, conventions and channels to resolve the differences peacefully. In short both countries need not waste vital human and material resources to engage in conflicts that can be resolved diplomatically or through arbitration and cooperation.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">However, if both countries choose to war-war instead of to jaw-jaw then it is important to point out to them the ramifications of having to engage in a dangerously competitive and ruthlessly conflictual exercise. For example such conflictual exercise has potential to send West Africa back to the days of low investment, low economic growth, high inflation, huge external debts, human displacements and poverty.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Unnecessary military adventure will not only lead to human casualties, but also lead to huge military expenditure which will be a drain on the economy and may lead to huge external debts whose payment will have negative impact on the performance of both economies.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">From a regional perspective a war between the two countries will have a strong adverse effect on economic performance of the entire sub-region, particularly the neighbouring landlocked countries of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, which rely on the transportation systems of Ghana and Ivory Coast for most of their export and imports. In other words regional trade, economic growth and stability could be disrupted and might take the region decades to recover.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">This is why dialogue, diplomacy, arbitration and cooperation should be seriously considered.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">By Lord Aikins Adusei</div></div></div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-81213016252927216052012-01-02T06:23:00.000-08:002012-01-02T06:23:19.083-08:00Africa's Strategic Interest in the 21st Century. What is it?<div class="figure3" style="color: #333333; cursor: pointer; float: left; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif, 'MS sans serif'; font-size: 12px; margin-bottom: 0em; margin-left: 0em; margin-right: 5px; margin-top: 0em; padding-bottom: 0.2em; padding-right: 5px; width: 240px;"><div id="newsimage"><div><div class="mgsImg" style="overflow-x: hidden; overflow-y: hidden; position: relative; width: 240px;"><img alt="President Mills and Africa Strategic Interest" border="0" hspace="0" src="http://img.modernghana.com/images/content3/240x_mg_typb62erq4_attamills.jpg" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px; cursor: pointer; height: 180px; width: 240px;" vspace="0" /><br />
<div class="mgscap" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(http://www.modernghana.com/images/ico/bg-transparent.png); background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: repeat repeat; bottom: 0px; color: white; left: 0px; margin-bottom: -1px; position: absolute; width: 240px;"><div class="mgscapTxt" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 10px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 13px; padding-bottom: 7px; padding-left: 6px; padding-right: 6px; padding-top: 7px; text-align: center;">President Mills and Africa Strategic Interest</div></div></div></div></div><div class="CICssVerticalSpacer" style="height: 10px; width: 240px;"></div><div class="contenthome11" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-bottom-style: dashed; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-image: initial; border-left-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-left-style: dashed; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-right-style: dashed; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; padding-bottom: 5px; padding-top: 5px;"><div id="body2" style="font-size: 11px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0"><tbody>
<tr><td><img alt="" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/start_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" width="24" /> <span style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 19px;">There is a black hole in Nigeria and other African countries' economy because for decades the leadership in these countries have deferred their countries' interest to entities such as multinational corporations and foreign governments as is in the case of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.</span><br />
<img align="right" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/end_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-image: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" vspace="0" width="23" /><br />
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</tbody></table></div></div></div><div id="bodytext" style="color: #333333; font: normal normal normal 14px/normal Arial, sans-serif; margin-right: 4px; padding-left: 1px; padding-right: 5px;"><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">By Lord Aikins Adusei</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">There are many strategic thinkers who believe that Africa's underdog position in the world stems from the fact majority if not all the countries do not pursue policies that put the interest of their countries and people first. That is each of the countries in Africa does not work for the interest of its people by putting the interest of the nation and its people ahead of all other interests.<br />
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There is a consensus among policymakers that if each African country should work for its own interest while coordinating with other countries in the continent on issues such as free trade, energy and human security, and political stability among others there will be more successful economies in Africa than we have seen over the past 50 years. The lack of 'Africa first' as both an ideology and as a strategy has been one major factor that has delayed the continent's development.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Every country in the world works for the interest of its people. US, China, Russia, Britain, Germany, Korea all work to develop their economies for their citizens to benefit and these countries do not care what means they use to achieve those interests. But here in Africa governments sell resources and don't account to the people. Politicians only campaign for votes but not for development. There is complete lack of policies that articulate the concerns and interests of the countries and their citizens. In the 1980s and 1990s many national assets were sold under Structural Adjustment Program to foreign entities without considering the interest of the countries and their citizens. Today there are countries in Africa where multinational corporations have major shares in mining, oil, and timber, firms while the nations and their peoples who own the natural resources get very little.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Africans are quick to sell raw materials to countries in Europe, North America and Asia without asking what they could do with those natural resources themselves. It looks as if African governments do not have any specific interest in the world. They have not projected themselves as nations that matter in any sectors of the world affairs. It is not that these countries do not know what they must do; the problem is that the leaders have often tended to serve the interest of other nations rather than their own.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The governments always give their support to countries trying to get a platform in the world and seeking their interest in Africa and some have done so even to the detriment of their own countries. One clear example is the announcement by Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, Nobel Peace Prize Winner and President of Liberia that her country is willing to host AFRICOM even though she has not consulted her people or the countries in the West African sub-region.<br />
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In her article published by allAfrica.com titled “AFRICOM Can Help Governments Willing To Help Themselves,” Ellen Johnson Sirleaf horned AFRICOM as a Marshall plan for Africa's development and encouraged African nations to 'work with Africom to achieve their own development and security goals'. This attitude is part of the reason why nations like Liberia and Nigeria have not developed. There is no collective national interest, neither is there any effort to do so rather they tend to support others whose interest is to exploit the continent to benefit their citizens.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The Guardian newspaper in Nigeria quoted Sanusi Lamido, the Governor of Central Bank of Nigeria as saying: “As an economist, I have done and looked at the input and output content of the Nigerian economy, and I have never seen an economy with a kind of black hole like that of Nigeria. We produced cotton, yet our textile plants are not working; we produce crude oil, we import petroleum products; we produce gas and export, yet we don't have power plant. We have iron ore, we don't have steel plant; and we have hide and skin, we don't have leader products”.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">There is a black hole in Nigeria and other African countries' economy because for decades the leadership in these countries have deferred their countries' interest to entities such as multinational corporations and foreign governments as is in the case of Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">In 2009, US, China, Russia, France, Britain, Iran, and Israel all sent presidents, prime ministers, foreign ministers and other powerful government officials to Africa to pursue their interests. United States has been urged by the Institute for Advanced Strategic & Political Studies and Africa Oil Policy Initiative Group to declare the Gulf of Guinea a strategic interest and US under AFRICOM is seriously lobbying African governments to allow her to establish military bases so as to achieve her strategic goals.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">A declassified document of the US Defence Department regarding the strategic importance of West Africa states that: 'West Africa is a swing production region that allows oil companies to leverage production capabilities to meet the fluctuating world demands.. . .West African oil is of high quality, is easily accessed offshore, and is well positioned to supply the North American market. Production in two major oil producing states (Nigeria and Angola) is expected to double or triple in the next 5-10 years. Already Nigeria and Angola provide as much oil to the U.S. as Venezuela or Mexico, making it of strategic importance.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Walter Kansteiner, the US assistant secretary of State for Africa speaking about what Africa oil means to his country said: “African oil is of national strategic interest to us, and it will increase and become more important as we go forward.”</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The United States is not hiding her strategic ambition in Africa, however, I am yet to see Nigeria or Ghana or Senegal, Angola, and Namibia saying wait a minute what is our strategic interest in the Gulf of Guinea, how do we want to see the oil wealth in the Gulf of Guinea exploited and utilised to benefit our peoples and how do we contain the powers that are seeking to exploit the region's vast mineral wealth.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">How do we coordinate to ensure that our peoples get the lion share from the oil deals; or how do we work together to strengthen security and prevent terrorists from getting foothold in West Africa? Such issues as the economy, energy security, political stability and infrastructure do not appear on the radars of the countries in Africa. There are few role model countries in Africa where the rest can learn from. The kind of competition that we saw in Asia that led to the industrialisation of countries like Korea, Malaysia, Singapore, which has given them a sense of national pride has not occurred in Africa. I am yet to see the foreign policy of Nigeria, Ghana, Uganda, Tanzania, Zambia, DRC, Angola, Namibia, Botswana, Kenya that put the interest of their people first. To me it looks as if each of these countries does not have interest that has to be articulated through their foreign policies.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Nations around the world are launching satellites to strengthen their economies, boost their communication capabilities and to police their countries, others are building a new generation of technologies to help propel and give their nations good footing in the increasingly competitive global economy. You don't see such aggressive efforts in Africa. Nigeria is sleeping, Angola is still reeling from decades of war, DRC lacks a strong central government to formulate and implement any policy at all. The end result is that a vacuum has been created which is being filled strategically by the United States as in the case of her military base Djibouti.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The lack of strategic interest on the part of African nations means that they will have to rely on countries like US, Britain, France, and China for their security and economic needs, but for how long? How will they win the fight against poverty, hunger, diseases and illiteracy if they do not champion their own interest and how are they expected to be taken serious if they continue to champion the strategic interest of others rather than their own?</div></div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-39613761390935743082011-12-09T00:07:00.000-08:002011-12-09T00:08:36.417-08:00Exploring Africa's green energy potential<div class="figure3" style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #333333; cursor: pointer; float: left; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif, 'MS sans serif'; font-size: 12px; line-height: 16px; margin-bottom: 0em; margin-left: 0em; margin-right: 5px; margin-top: 0em; padding-bottom: 0.2em; padding-right: 5px; width: 250px;"><div id="newsimage"><div align="center" class="contenthome11" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-bottom-style: dashed; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-left-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-left-style: dashed; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-right-style: dashed; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; padding-bottom: 5px; padding-top: 5px;"><div class="mgsImg" style="overflow-x: hidden; overflow-y: hidden; position: relative; width: 240px;"><img alt="Solar, hydro, wind, hold key to Africa's future" border="0" hspace="0" src="http://img.modernghana.com/images/content3/240x_mg_qvmx5cbon3_renewable_energy_final.jpg" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px; cursor: pointer; height: 180px; width: 240px;" vspace="0" /><br />
<div class="mgscap" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(http://www.modernghana.com/images/ico/bg-transparent.png); background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: repeat repeat; bottom: 0px; color: white; left: 0px; margin-bottom: -1px; position: absolute; width: 240px;"><div class="mgscapTxt" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 10px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 13px; padding-bottom: 7px; padding-left: 6px; padding-right: 6px; padding-top: 7px;">Solar, hydro, wind, hold key to Africa's future</div></div></div></div></div><div class="CICssVerticalSpacer" style="height: 10px; width: 250px;"></div><div class="contenthome11" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-bottom-style: dashed; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-left-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-left-style: dashed; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-right-style: dashed; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; padding-bottom: 5px; padding-top: 5px;"><div id="body2" style="font-size: 11px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0"><tbody>
<tr><td><img alt="" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/start_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" width="24" /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 19px;">Renewable energy must be the way because it has the potential to help African countries invigorate their economies, wean themselves from dependence on fossil fuel and reduce the debt burden associated with oil importation.</span> <span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 19px;">It also has the potential to meet Africa's energy security needs; protect the environment; reduce natural resource conflicts (e.g. firewood collection); slow down rural-urban migration and associated urbanisation; and reduce carbon emissions and hence the negative impact of climate change.</span><br />
<img align="right" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/end_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" vspace="0" width="23" /></td></tr>
</tbody></table></div></div></div><div id="bodytext" style="background-color: #fefefe; color: #333333; font: normal normal normal 14px/normal Arial, sans-serif; margin-right: 4px; padding-left: 1px; padding-right: 5px;"><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Lord Aikins Adusei</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b>Oil Import and Debts</b><br />
Historically oil, gas and coal have been the mainstay of the economies of European, American, Japanese and other members of Organisation of the Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). These energy resources, particularly oil, enabled them to reach and maintain their current levels of development and lifestyle. Many countries wishing to transform their economies and societies have tended to go the line of fossil fuel.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">However, many energy experts agree that the current oil driven development is unsustainable due to several factors including dwindling global reserves, impact of fossil fuel consumption on the planet (global warming and climate change), cost and security associated with production and transportation of fossil energy.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The transportation and industrial sectors of many African countries rely on oil import. These countries including Burkina Faso, Ghana, Malawi, Niger, Kenya, Tanzania, Togo and Zambia spend huge percentage of their GDP on oil import. This has led to huge debts being incurred with serious ramification for the performance of their economies. For example the debt incurred by Tema Oil Refinery (TOR) in Ghana made it difficult for the company to import crude oil leading to several shutdowns which affected economic activities in the country. Government of Ghana was forced to settle the arrears before TOR could lift crude into the country. These debts are linked to high global oil prices. The high prices mean that oil importing African countries will have to use their limited foreign exchange to compete with the likes of United States and China.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">With China's demand for oil expected to grow from 8 million barrels a day in 2010 to 17.5 million barrels a day by 2030, coupled with demand from Argentina, Brazil, India, Turkey, and the OECD countries the competition for access to the remaining global oil reserve will increase. The increase in demand will undoubtedly have impact on energy prices worldwide which will adversely affect African economies currently struggling to remain competitive.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b>Energy Poverty</b></div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b><br />
</b>Africa in general and Sub Sahara Africa (SSA) in particular remains one of the energy poor regions in the world. It accounts for more than a quarter of the 2.5 billion people globally who are without access to convenient, reliable, efficient and modern cooking technologies that can help meet their basic needs and support economic development. It also account for the larger share of the 1.6 billion people globally who are without electricity.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">In 2008 a report by Anton Eberhard noted that Africa's electricity infrastructure capacity remains the lowest in the world. In the study Eberhard noted that the 48 Sub Saharan African countries with a combined population of more than 800 million produced about 68 gigawatt of electricity, almost the same amount of electricity generated by Spain with her population of 45 million people. When South Africa is taken out of the equation, the total power generated fell to 28 GW, equivalent to the installed capacity of Argentina.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Africa Infrastructure Country Diagnostic (AICD) report authored by Vivian Foster, studied business activities and energy infrastructure in 26 countries in SSA and found that “for an important subset of countries, power emerges as by far the most limiting factor, being cited by more than half of firms in more than half of countries as a major business obstacle”. The firms reported losing 5 percent of their sales as a result of frequent power outages. The figure rises to 20 percent for informal sector firms unable to afford backup generators. TaTEDO, a Tanzanian non-governmental organisation, points out that more than 40 percent of agricultural products go waste due to post harvest losses and lack of appropriate energy to process or preserve it. However, it is not only businesses that face energy challenges, households are also confronted with electricity problems.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Studies show that only Benin, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Congo Republic, Cote D'Ivoire, Eritrea, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Mali, Namibia, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe have national electricity coverage of 20 percent or more with huge gap between rural and urban areas.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">In Tanzania for instance while about 12 percent of households in the country have electricity coverage, only 2 percent of those in rural areas have access to electricity. That is 98 percent of rural households constituting 75 per cent of the population have no access to electricity. Ethiopia also has 12 percent national coverage and 2 percent and 86 percent for rural and urban areas respectively. The picture is no different from what pertains in Burkina Faso, Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Niger, Malawi, Rwanda, Uganda and Zambia.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The IEA's 2010 Energy Development Index which tracks progress in a country or a region's transition to the use of modern fuels shows that SSA countries are not moving fast enough to tackle energy poverty and to increase the use of modern fuels. According to the World Bank the more than 580 million Africans who are without access to modern forms of energy spend more than 10 billion dollars annually buying low quality energy services such as kerosene, candles and firewood. Figures from the World Health Organisation indicate that death associated with the use of these services in Africa runs into four-hundred thousand annually.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b>Firewood and Charcoal as main Energy Sources</b></div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b><br />
</b>The lack of electricity and other forms of modern energy mean that firewood and charcoal for cooking and kerosene and candles for lighting remain the primary source of energy in most households and there is every indication that the dependence on low forms of energy is growing. For instance in 1986 about 66 percent of energy used in Zambia came from woodfuel, however by 2010 the figure had risen to 76 percent. In Democratic Republic of Congo, 92 percent of energy used annually comes from biomass especially from woodfuel.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The Minister of Energy in Ghana, Dr. Oteng Adjei, acknowledged in November, 2010 that 65 percent of energy use in the country annually comes from woodfuel with oil and hydroelectricity providing the remaining 35 percent. In Tanzania woodfuel is the main source of energy in the country accounting for over 90 per cent of the 15 million tonnes of oil equivalent (toe) of energy used in the country annually. In 2008 about 92 percent of the 32 million (toe) of energy consumed in Ethiopia came from combustible and waste materials specifically from woodfuel in the form of charcoal and dry wood while Kenya has about 78 per cent of energy use based on biomass.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The use of charcoal, firewood, candles and kerosene as the dominant source of energy effectively classifies Africa as one of the least energy intensive economic regions, heavily constrained by both low quality of fuel type and low per capita energy.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b>The Renewable Energy potential</b></div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><br />
While globally, attention is being focused on developing renewable energy resources (such as hydro, bioenergy, solar, wind and thermal among others) as a way to promote sustainable development and contain the threat posed by climate change to the planet, progress at developing the abundant renewable energy resources found in Africa as a viable alternative to fossil fuel has been slow. About 93 percent of Africa's hydro power potential remains undeveloped. Ethiopia for instance still spends millions of dollars importing oil each year despite the fact that she and Democratic Republic of Congo possess about 61 percent of Africa's untapped hydro power potentials.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">But given the global demand and competition for fossil fuel coupled with the associated price increase and debt burden for oil importing African countries, it is obvious that Africa cannot take the development path driven by fossil energy. Renewable energy must be the way because it has the potential to help African countries invigorate their economies, wean themselves from dependence on fossil fuel and reduce the debt burden associated with oil importation. Renewable energy can also help increase households access to modern energy services; reduce energy poverty; improve the livelihood of the people; empower women; improve performance of students in schools; create jobs and bridge urban-rural inequality. It also has the potential to meet Africa's energy security needs; protect the environment; reduce natural resource conflicts (e.g. firewood collection); slow down rural-urban migration and associated urbanisation; and reduce carbon emissions and hence the negative impact of climate change.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The influential global energy outlook report prepared by British Petroleum in 2011 shows that the contribution of renewables to global energy growth will increase from 5 percent (1990-2010) to 18 percent (2010-2030) but Africa's share in terms of production and consumption of this growth is very small. There is therefore the need for African governments to begin to work seriously with the private sector and other relevant bodies/agencies to aggressively develop the necessary policies, institutions, and infrastructures to take advantage of Africa's huge renewable energy resources. Effort must also focus on addressing the human, financial and management capacity challenges associated with the renewable energy sector so as to make sector a catalyst for achieving economic growth, development and prosperity in Africa.</div><div style="line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">By Lord Aikins Aduse</div></div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-40125967559684424422011-11-24T13:32:00.000-08:002011-11-24T13:32:12.174-08:00Ghana 2012 elections: There can be politics without violence<div id="csstab" style="background-color: #fefefe; clear: none;"><div id="one"><div id="bodytext" style="font: normal normal normal 14px/19px Arial, Helmet, Freesans, sans-serif; margin-right: 4px; padding-left: 1px; padding-right: 5px;"><div style="margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"></div><div id="csstab" style="clear: none;"><ul class="subsection_tabs" id="news_tabs" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(221, 221, 221); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 4px; clear: none; height: 20px; list-style-image: initial; list-style-position: initial; list-style-type: none; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><div style="text-align: center;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif, 'MS sans serif';"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: 12px; line-height: 16px;">
</span></span></div></ul><div id="one" style="color: #333333; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif, 'MS sans serif'; font-size: 12px; line-height: 16px;"><div class="figure3" style="cursor: pointer; float: left; margin-bottom: 0em; margin-left: 0em; margin-right: 5px; margin-top: 0em; padding-bottom: 0.2em; padding-right: 5px; width: 250px;"><div class="contenthome11" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-bottom-style: dashed; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-left-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-left-style: dashed; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-right-style: dashed; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; padding-bottom: 5px; padding-top: 5px;"><div id="body2" style="font-size: 11px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0"><tbody>
<tr><td><img alt="" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/start_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" width="24" /><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, Helmet, Freesans, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 18px;">The campaign must move away from the shallow politics that addresses none of the major problems facing the country to substantive and critical issues such as how do we connect the south of the country to the north by fast train network so that we do not have all our goods and passengers move by road thereby creating congestion and unnecessary fatal accidents. </span><img align="right" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/end_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" vspace="0" width="23" /><div style="border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; clear: both; margin-top: 5px; padding-top: 5px; text-align: center;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, Helmet, Freesans, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 18px;">Language used by politicians and their agents must be civil, polite and full of respect and be devoid of the insults, tribal and ethnic rhetoric that has come to define the Ghanaian political landscape. Politicians must stop using abusive, inflammable language and avoid utterances that will not auger well for the wellbeing of the country. </span></div></td></tr>
</tbody></table></div></div></div><div id="bodytext" style="font: normal normal normal 14px/19px Arial, Helmet, Freesans, sans-serif; margin-right: 4px; padding-left: 1px; padding-right: 5px;"><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">…The 2012 campaign must be based on policies</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b>By Lord Aikins Adusei</b></div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><br />
The year 2012 will be another year for elections in Ghana. Leading candidates of the two main dominant parties i.e. the ruling National Democratic Congress and the opposition New Patriotic Parties are mobilising their supporters, issuing statements and making pronouncements. The President is alleged to have said that he would hand over the reign of government in 2017 prompting his critics and chiefly the opposition NPP to suggest that the President intends to stay in office irrespective of the outcome of the 2012 elections. The NDC on their part have argued that the NPP is willing and intends to use violence to achieve victory at all cost. They point to statement made by Nana Addo Dankwa Akuffo Addo the flagbearer in which he is reported to have used the phrase “all die be die” suggesting that nothing but a win will calm him and his supporters. Nana Addo has been accused by his critics and opponents particularly the NDC and their supporters of playing the ethnic card by using the word “Akan” which is the name of Ghana's largest ethnic group.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The recent brouhaha surrounding the use of biometric voting and the NPP insistence that there cannot be biometric voting without verification has added another twist to the fuel being poured into the upcoming 2012 elections.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">These accusations and counter accusations are a semblance of the suspicion, mistrust and election violence that characterise elections in Africa in particular and the developing world in general. However, violent as elections in Africa may have been, there is enough evidence that Ghana has been a nation which has defied the odds in Africa and has maintained a positive reputation and standard that her African contemporaries are struggling to match. It is this reputation as a stable, peaceful, violence-free democratic country that Ghanaians must be happy and be proud to protect in the 2012 elections.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Students of politics and indeed politicians know too well that in politics wining and losing are things of reality and Ghanaian politicians must begin to educate and prepare their supporters on these realities so as to offset any negative event(s) that will emanate as result of the elections. One message that must be made clear is that so far as the 2012 presidential election is concerned there can be only one winner. That winner could be President Mills, Nana Addo or any of the presidential candidates of PNC and CPP. Since there is going to be only one winner and several losers, whoever emerges as the winner should quickly show maturity and leadership and avoid statements that will be interpreted negatively by the losing candidates. The losers on their part must accept the outcome of the election as being the people's verdict, congratulate the winner and assure their supporters that there will be another opportunity in 2017. In short every effort must be made to prevent the 2012 elections from going the Ivorian or the Kenyan way. Indeed it is the view of the author that there can be politics without violence and Ghana must not burn because of candidates losing or wining elections.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b>Campaign based on Policies</b></div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Each of the parties must have a clear campaign message and tell Ghanaians why they want them to vote for them. That is the political parties must talk more about their policies both domestic and foreign and take time to explain these policies to the people. For example domestically it is extremely important that the parties let Ghanaians know what policies they have on these specific issues: internet access and telecommunication in rural areas; quality education for all Ghanaians; financing tertiary education; financing and providing quality healthcare for all Ghanaians; employment and skill training for the youth; water delivery in cities and villages; quality and affordable rural housing; and promoting industrialisation, research and development.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Other policy areas could be ensuring energy security for businesses and fighting energy poverty in Ghana i.e. reducing Ghanaians' dependence on firewood, charcoal, kerosene and candles and increasing access to modern energy facilities. Other policies could also focus on ensuring that Ghanaians fully benefit from the proceeds of the oil, and other minerals in the country; providing irrigation, tractors and machinery for farmers and to ensuring that goods produced will not be left in the bush for lack of good roads. Voters may want to know what the parties' policies will be on combating climate change and desertification; addressing the problem of Kayayo and child streetism; providing efficient, reliable rail transport network; revamping Ghana urban road transportation system; fighting corruption and keeping Ghanaians safe at all time.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The campaign must move away from the shallow politics that addresses none of the major problems facing the country to substantive and critical issues such as how do we connect the south of the country to the north by fast train network so that we do not have all our goods and passengers move by road thereby creating congestion and unnecessary fatal accidents. Thus the critical question political parties and Ghanaians must ask and answer is what do we do as a nation to come out from the economic quagmire, poverty and deprivation that we continue to find ourselves in and how do we solve our numerous problems. The question of what we must do and how we must do it must be central to the campaign. In short the focus of the campaign must be economic and political stability; peace and prosperity; unity and love; economic and social equality; national security; and protecting our national interest.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b>Faith in the Electoral System</b></div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">All political parties must have faith in the electoral system, the Electoral Commission and its chairman Dr. Kwadwo Afari Gyan. Judging from their previous experience and performance in organizing elections there can be no doubt that Dr. Afari Gyan and his team members have what it takes to organise the elections. In the past the Commission has shown itself to be a credible institution that operates without favouritism. In fact throughout country, the Commission has come to symbolise independence, transparency, accountability, fair play, honesty, integrity, openness, objectivity and strong leadership and is idolised by many institutions in Ghana and Africa. This notwithstanding, it is important that the Commission continues to work hard to erode any misconception that it is favouring or might be favouring one political party against the other. All peace loving Ghanaians must continue to support the Commission to deliver a credible, free and fair election which will make all of us proud.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b>Language use</b></div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Each of the parties must assemble their best election strategists to craft messages that will catch the attention of voters. The campaign strategist and managers must develop and come up with policies that Ghanaians can identify themselves with. The party that sells well will win at the end of the day. The parties must commit themselves to run clean, free and fair campaign devoid of any acrimony. These would help to avoid the mayhem and destruction that characterised the elections in Ivory Coast, Kenya, and Zimbabwe.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Language used by politicians and their agents must be civil, polite and full of respect and be devoid of the insults, tribal and ethnic rhetoric that has come to define the Ghanaian political landscape. Politicians must stop using abusive, inflammable language and avoid utterances that will not auger well for the wellbeing of the country. They must use sound argument to criticize their opponent(s) without the usual insults. Political leaders must quickly condemn irresponsible statements that will put the peace and stability of the country in danger and bring the nation into international ridicule and disrepute.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Each of the political parties and NDC and NPP in particular must educate their members on how to conduct themselves during the elections. The parties must reign in their supporters; suspend wayward members and distance themselves from anyone who will soil their reputation.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Every soul we lose and every property we destroy will be a cost to our common identity as Ghanaians. Therefore, circumspection must be exercised by moderators of radio and television programmes. The Ghana Peace Council, the media, universities, National Union of Ghana Students, the Christian Council, Catholic Bishops' Conference, and other faith based groups, non-governmental organisations and the international community must play their role to ensure that Ghana will once again go through another successful election without violence. Ghana is a constitutionally governed country and anyone who tries to disturb the peace of the land must be dealt with according to the laws of the land. Therefore the police and the judiciary must be allowed to work independently without pressure from any quarters.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Every prosperous nation is built with the sweat of all its citizens and politics is just one of the wheels by which a prosperous nation is built. But the politics must not be violent before we can build a prosperous nation. Indeed the politics can be conducted without unnecessary violence, loss of life and destruction of properties. Ghana is our home and the only country we have and doing politics based on policies and not violence must be our primary aim and concern.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Lord Aikins Adusei is an activist and anti-corruption campaigner. He blogs at www.ghanapundit.blogspot.com and can be contacted at politicalthinker1@yahoo.com.</div></div></div></div></div></div></div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-89249575048998151012011-11-24T13:16:00.000-08:002011-11-24T13:16:22.360-08:00France: A vampire and a deposit box for Africa's looted funds?<h3 class="post-title entry-title" style="background-color: #f6f6f6; color: #9e5205; font: normal normal bold 160%/normal Verdana, sans-serif; letter-spacing: -1px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px;"><br />
</h3><div class="post-header-line-1" style="background-color: #f6f6f6; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Trebuchet, Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"></div><div class="post-body entry-content" style="background-color: #f6f6f6; font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Trebuchet, Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 13px;"><div id="csstab" style="background-color: #fefefe; clear: none; color: #333333; font-family: Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif, 'MS sans serif'; font-size: 12px; line-height: 16px;"><ul class="subsection_tabs" id="news_tabs" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(221, 221, 221); border-bottom-style: solid; border-bottom-width: 4px; clear: none; height: 20px; list-style-image: initial; list-style-position: initial; list-style-type: none; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><span id="body2" style="float: right; font-size: 11px; list-style-image: initial; list-style-position: initial; list-style-type: none; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: right;">
</span></ul><div id="one"><div class="CICssVerticalSpacer" style="height: 10px; width: 680px;"></div><div class="figure3" style="cursor: pointer; float: left; margin-bottom: 0em; margin-left: 0em; margin-right: 5px; margin-top: 0em; padding-bottom: 0.2em; padding-right: 5px; width: 250px;"><div id="newsimage"><div align="center" class="contenthome11" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-bottom-style: dashed; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-left-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-left-style: dashed; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-right-style: dashed; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; padding-bottom: 5px; padding-top: 5px;"><div class="mgsImg" style="overflow-x: hidden; overflow-y: hidden; position: relative; width: 240px;"><img alt="Nicolas Sarkozy, French President" border="0" hspace="0" src="http://img.modernghana.com/images/content3/240x_mg_o63vn08mlg_nicolassarkozy11_0.jpg" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px; cursor: pointer; height: 180px; width: 240px;" vspace="0" /><div class="mgscap" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-image: url(http://www.modernghana.com/images/ico/bg-transparent.png); background-origin: initial; background-repeat: repeat repeat; bottom: 0px; color: white; left: 0px; margin-bottom: -1px; position: absolute; width: 240px;"><div class="mgscapTxt" style="font-family: 'Trebuchet MS', Verdana, Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; font-size: 10px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 13px; padding-bottom: 7px; padding-left: 6px; padding-right: 6px; padding-top: 7px;">Nicolas Sarkozy, French President</div></div></div></div></div><div class="CICssVerticalSpacer" style="height: 10px; width: 250px;"></div><div class="contenthome11" style="border-bottom-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-bottom-style: dashed; border-bottom-width: 1px; border-left-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-left-style: dashed; border-left-width: 1px; border-right-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-right-style: dashed; border-right-width: 1px; border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; padding-bottom: 5px; padding-top: 5px;"><div id="body2" style="font-size: 11px; margin-bottom: 0px; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px;"><table border="0" cellpadding="4" cellspacing="0"><tbody>
<tr><td><img alt="" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/start_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" width="24" /> <span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, Helmet, Freesans, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 18px;">Thus when corrupt African dictators, public officials and top civil servants dishonestly empty the treasuries of their poor countries they find western allies who are willing and cooperative to hide the looted funds. ...</span>The <span class="Apple-style-span" style="color: #333333; font-family: Arial, Helmet, Freesans, sans-serif; font-size: 14px; line-height: 18px;">Bongos also showered French business elites with business contracts in Gabon, and as if that was not enough Omar Bongo also showered French politicians with financial gifts that only came to light after his death.</span><img align="right" border="0" height="13" src="http://www.modernghana.com/images/end_quote_rb.gif" style="border-bottom-style: none; border-bottom-width: 0px; border-color: initial; border-color: initial; border-left-style: none; border-left-width: 0px; border-right-style: none; border-right-width: 0px; border-style: initial; border-top-style: none; border-top-width: 0px;" vspace="0" width="23" /><div style="border-top-color: rgb(210, 210, 210); border-top-style: dashed; border-top-width: 1px; clear: both; margin-top: 5px; padding-top: 5px; text-align: center;"><br />
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</tbody></table></div></div></div><div id="bodytext" style="font: normal normal normal 14px/19px Arial, Helmet, Freesans, sans-serif; margin-right: 4px; padding-left: 1px; padding-right: 5px;"><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">By Lord Aikins Adusei</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">On June 21st 2010 Ms. Christine Lagarde, former French Finance Minister and current IMF Chief and Ms. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Finance Minister of Nigeria and former World Bank Group's Managing Director wrote an article which was posted on Project Syndicate website captioned 'No Safe Havens for Dirty Money'. In their article they argued that tax havens, looted funds, bribery, and corruption hurt poor countries more and that the global financial crisis has served to show that there is little tolerance for people who cheat. To them both high income and particularly low income countries will benefit if everyone plays by the rules adding that 'Corruption – under any form or circumstance – is a cancer that cripples developed and developing economies alike. It undermines economic growth. It is a crime that produces particularly damaging consequences in the developing world'. “Everyone must play by the rules” in order to save the world from the current difficult economic and financial situation.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The people in low income countries, according to Lagarde and Okonjo-Iweala, want to see an end to the corrupt financial havens that allow corrupt officials to steal public money and stash it abroad. They submitted that the impunity for this type of global crime can no longer be tolerated: 'Abuse of public authority for private gain is not acceptable'. They added that there is the urgent need to foster openness and transparency in financial transactions and to ensure accountability at the global level.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">In March 2010 Global Financial Integrity (GFI), a Washington based anti corruption group published a report titled “Illicit Financial Flows from Africa: Hidden Resource for Development”. The report estimated that between <b>1970 and 2008 Africa lost about $854 billion through trade mispricing</b>. The GFI report added that the figure of the illicit financial outflows could have gone as high as 1.8 trillion dollars if components such as mispricing of services and smuggling had been included.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Global Financial Integrity has argued that a large portion of this massive illicit money leaving Africa finds its way into Europe and North America through a <b>network of opaque global financial system comprising tax havens, secrecy jurisdictions, disguised corporations, anonymous trust accounts, fake foundations, trade mispricing, and money laundering techniques.</b> A key component of this huge illegal money transfers is the stealing of public money by corrupt officials. These public monies, usually proceeds from sale of natural resources, loans contracted from World Bank, IMF and grants are meant to help the poor countries fight and end human suffering, end poverty; put children in school; end energy poverty; build hospitals; provide potable water; promote food security and provide badly needed retroviral drugs to people living with HIV and AIDS.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The stolen monies are welcomed by the banks in Europe notably those in France, Switzerland, Britain,and Luxemburg. In most cases little or no due diligence is followed and most of the banks appear to advise and encourage their so called clients on how to invest their monies in order to avoid being detected. The Levin Report of 2010 prepared by a committe of the the US Senate revealed that Britain, Switzerland, United States and France are known to be major recipients of these stolen public monies from Africa. These rich countries have been seriously involved in shady deals with Africa's political elite who are amassing wealth at the expense of the welfare of their populations. The conditions of secrecy created in countries such as France, Switzerland, Britain and Luxemburg enable African leaders to steal with impunity and deposit their ill-gotten wealth in these jurisdictions. Thus when corrupt African dictators, public officials and top civil servants dishonestly empty the treasuries of their poor countries they find western allies who are willing and cooperative to hide the looted funds. </div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The case of Alpine nation of Switzerland as a safe haven for Africa's looted funds is known worldwide. Switzerland has been described as a parasite feeding on poor African and Third World countries because for more than half a century it has 'built a reputation as the world's centre for tax evasion, fraud accounting, money laundering, racketeering and a staunch ally of corrupt third world leaders and a great beneficiary of third world corruption'. Over the last six decades or more various categories of persons including presidents, popes, prime ministers, corrupt dictators, wealthy business men, and drug dealers have all used and benefited from the banking secrecy laws of Switzerland'.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">However, when it comes to France very little is known about how it has successfully milked African countries and created massive poverty in its former colonies. Very little is known because of the eagerness of the French media and the judiciary to protect illegal financial operations of French politicians and members of the business fraternity. The French media, the French prosecution office and the judiciary have all turned a blind eye to the adulterous relationship between French politicians and French business leaders on one hand and the political entities in Africa on the other. Since the 1960s France has connived, aided and abetted African leaders to plunder the treasuries of their countries for safe keeping in France and to buy luxurious properties in French cities thereby turning the former colonies into a miserable land of poverty.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">This corrupt behaviour of the French establishment is what makes the article by Lagarde and Okonjo-Iweala on 'No Safe Havens for Dirty Money' is interesting. It is interesting in sense that while the content of the article and its conclusion are in the right direction it is also laden with hypocrisy, double standards and pretence on the part of the authors and the entities they represent. For example in their article Lagarde and Okonjo-Iweala praised France and the United States for pushing G-20 countries to adopt tougher financial regulation, and for promoting governance, and accountability aim at safeguarding the world's economy. <b>However, while praising France Lagarde and Okonjo-Iweala failed to tell the world about how France has encouraged corruption and mismanegement in Africa and continues to do so despite the fact that such corrupt activities are hurting the poor in Africa.</b></div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Christine Lagarde for instance was the Minister of Finance in France and a key cabinet member in the President Nicolas Sarkozy's government. <b>As a Finance Minister she was in a powerful position to fight corruption and bribery and end the practice where her country has become a safe haven for Africa's looted assets, but she and her government did nothing to stop France from becoming the deposit box of Africa's dirty money.</b> French President Nicolas Sarkozy promised in 2006 to change the adulterous relationship between France and her former colonies in Africa so as to bring an end to the massive corruption and dictatorship sometimes engineered and supported by the French state, but almost four years after taking office he has done little if not nothing to follow through his campaign promise.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b>France continues to serve as a haven for looted African resources with the encouragement of French politicians, businessmen and banking officials. They continue to encourage corrupt African leaders to steal from their poor countries and hide their loot in French Banks</b>. France continues to serve as a paradise for corrupt African leaders where they enjoy their loot after leaving office and the French authorities are quick and too willing to entertain them despite the growing call for France to take action against them.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b>France and the Bongos of Gabon</b></div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The most important discussion on how France has served as Africa's angel of death devouring African economies and turning rich resource countries into pariah states could be seen from Gabon. The late Omar Bongo of Gabon who ruled his country for 41 years was considered one of the corrupt African leaders and was known worldwide to have used his country's oil wealth to buy mansions and other properties in France and to buy political influence and favour from the French ruling class. In 2009 French police investigation uncovered a huge number of properties that were bought by Bongo and his family. In all 33 mansions and other luxurious properties were uncovered. One of the mansions a 21,528 sq ft is located at Rue de la Baume near to the Elysee Palace the home of the French presidency. According to the Sunday Times in UK, the investigation also uncovered nine other properties in Paris, four of which are on the exclusive Avenue Foch near the Arc de Triomphe. Bongo was also reported to have a further seven properties in Nice, including four villas, one of which has a swimming pool. The late Edith and wife of Omar Bongo, until her death still had two flats near the Eiffel Tower and another property in Nice.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Omar Bongo together with his family had 70 bank accounts in France from which several properties worth millions of dollars were bought from. Omar Bongo and his relatives also bought a fleet of limousines, including a £308,823 Maybach for Edith. Payment of some of the cars was directly taken from the treasury of Gabon. The Sunday Times in UK reported that until her death Edith had over 75 million dollars stashed in banks in French Monaco. The same Edith used a cheque drawn on an account owned by Gabon treasury to buy the £308,823 Maybach in February 2004. “Bongo's daughter Pascaline, 52, used a cheque from the same account for a part-payment of £29,497 towards a £60,000 Mercedes two years later. Bongo bought himself a Ferrari 612 Scaglietti F1 in October 2004 for £153,000, while his son Ali Bongo (now Gabon president) acquired a Ferrari 456 M GT in June 2001 for £156,000”. French police investigations indicate that this lifestyle of profligacy was supported by leading French banks.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The current President of Gabon Ali Bongo, son of Omar Bongo has continued the corrupt empire his father created with French politicians and the business elite. Canard Enchainé, a French satiric newspaper reported on the eve of the 2010 France-Afrique conference in Paris that Ali Bongo had purchased a hundred million euro property in Paris. The property located on the University street has been described as "one of the most beautiful" in the heart of Paris. Canard Enchainé noted that the building covers a space of 4,500 square metres with the garden covering 3,700 square metres. "The 100 million euros does not include other expenditure to be made for the renovation and maintenance work which could take a third of Gabon's GDP".</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">The sad thing is that major investigations uncovering huge financial irregularities in France on the part of the Bongos have been shelved. The investigations have been shelved because French authorities believe that if they move against the Bongos they (the Bongos) may retaliate by punishing French businesses in Gabon and deny them access to the lucrative oil deals. Till today not a penny of the millions of dollars of Gabonese money believed to have been stolen by Bongo and hiding in French banks has been returned. This is what brings the hypocrisy of French politicians like Lagarde out clearly. While shouting 'No safe havens for dirty money' at the same time they are keeping billions of such monies in their banks with no indication that they are ever going to return them.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">One of the most notable quotes of Omar Bongo was: “Gabon without France is like a car with no driver. France without Gabon is like a car with no fuel”. That is how Bongo saw the corrupt relationship that existed between him and his international friends in France.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Apart from directly stealing money meant for the development of Gabon and stashing it in French banks with full knowledge and support of French elites, the Bongos also showered French business elites with business contracts in Gabon, and as if that was not enough Omar Bongo also showered French politicians with financial gifts that only came to light after his death. Bongo is believed to have used proceeds from his country's oil to finance the election campaign of a number of French politicians and then used those politicians to help him secure his dictatorship in Gabon and also to protect his stolen assets in France. According to Henry Samuel of the Telegraph newspaper in the UK, former French Presidents Jacque Chirac and François Mitterrand are among a host of French politicians who are alleged to have received illegal payments from Bongo. According to former French president Valerie Giscard d'Estaing, the late Omar Bongo spent years building up a very questionable financial network with politicians in France. This financial network deprived the people of Gabon access to the basic necessities of life including food, water, housing, electricity, health and education.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">In 2001 Pierre Mario, former head of French intelligence acknowledged that Bongo used money stolen from his poverty stricken country to pay subsidies to French political parties and politicians. He noted that "the subsidies of Bongo serve everyone at the time of French elections and create a sort of backward colonialism". The irony of the situation is that while Omar Bongo saw nothing wrong with how he mismanaged Gabon oil revenue to enrich himself and his cronies, France also saw nothing wrong on how a president of its former colony squandered money on properties and on politicians in France.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">To achieve their so called foreign policy objectives French politicians and business elite encouraged Bongo to amass wealth meant for the development of his country. France also used the entire arsenal available to her (including military and intelligence) to make sure her so called national interest was not threatened. France offered military, political and other support to Omar Bongo which effectively enabled him to remain a dominant figure for 42 years in Gabon. The French military base in Gabon for instance was not used only to protect the Bongos but was also used to gather intelligence which France used to effect regime change in her former colonies.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Thus despite his reputation as a corrupt dictator, French politicians routinely entertained and openly showered praises on Bongo for his enthusiastic support for French dubious policies towards Africa most importantly the encouragement of African tyrants to loot and deposit their dirty money in French banks.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Mike Jocktane former aide to Omar Bongo will on Thursday 24th November 2011 publish a book titled "The Scandal of the Ill-gotten Gains". The yet to be published book contains details of how Omar Bongo sent briefcases full of money to <b>Nicolas Sarkozy </b>to help his presidential bid in 2007. According to Mike Jocktane "Omar Bongo helped finance Nicolas Sarkozy's 2007 presidential campaign” and provided him money after the 2007 elections. The financing of Nicolas Sarkozy's presidential campaign by Bongo underscores why Nicolas Sarkozy, current French President, made Gabon his first point of call in Africa apparently to thank Omar Bongo for his financial support. Mr. Nicolas Sarkozy described Bongo as a 'great and loyal friend of France' but he (Bongo) has been denounced for working for, himself, his family, France and local elites and not for Gabon and its poor people. Eva Joly, European Union Member of Parliament and a former French investigating magistrate who investigated the Elf corruption scandal has argued that Omar Bongo represented only himself and the interest of his associates in France and not the people of Gabon. “He (Bongo) was a president who didn't care about his citizens. He served France's interests and French politicians well. The oil boom did not benefit the Gabonese. It benefited us (French citizens). France has a great debt toward Gabon for having kept Bongo in power all these years”. According to Eva Joly despite an oil-led GDP per capita which was equivalent to that of Portugal's GDP, Gabon built only 5 km of freeway a year and still had one of the world's highest infant mortality rates by the time of his death in 2009.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;"><b>France and other African dictators</b></div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">However, it is not only the Bongos in Gabon who have used France as a safe haven for their ill gotten wealth and who are being protected by the French state. Paul Biya of Cameroon, Dos Santos of Angola, Denis Sassou Nguesso of Congo Republic, Blaise Campore of Burkina Faso and Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea have made headlines in recent years for using France as a fortress for their corrupt dealings. For example Denis Sassou Nguesso, according to French police investigation has 24 properties, <b>one hundred and twelve (112) bank accounts</b> and fleet of cars in France. It is believed that these numerous bank accounts contain hundreds of millions of dollars of money siphoned from the coffers of his resource rich but economically impoverished country.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">In 2011 French police seized <b>11 luxurious cars worth $5 million</b> from the home of spoil-child Obiang Mangue son of Equatorial Guinea's dictator Obiang Nguema. The point is that there are so many stolen African assets hidden in France if when returned to the countries of origin could make some of them the richest countries on the planet.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Like Switzerland, France has carved a name for herself as a protector and supporter of corrupt African dictators and a beneficiary of their illicit activities. However, unlike Switzerland which has embarked on a journey of image rehabilitation by repatriating some of the money deposited in her crook banks, France has shown no interest in doing such a thing. The military support France usually provide her client dictators in Africa has not only promoted dictatorships, human rights abuse, conflicts and corruption but has also undermined democracy, good governance, rule of law, economic development, food security and poverty reduction. Thus France's obscure and deadly African policies have produced a situation where the people of Africa have been deprived of resources that could have enabled the citizens to enjoy good standard of living.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Through the actions of its military, the courts, politicians and business leaders, France indirectly and directly has encouraged dictators in Africa to loot the coffers of their poor countries and deposit the loot in French banks. French cities are washed with properties bought by corrupt African leaders using monies they have stolen from their impoverished countries. French political and business leaders consider these African leaders as friends and allies. The corrupt French political and business establishment annually throw lavish parties at the French presidency for their African friends while the corrupt African leaders reciprocate with banquets during which African resources are auctioned to French corporations without a price. France has been a willing accomplice to the day light robbery taking place in Gabon, Cameroon, Angola, Congo-Brazzaville, Mali, Guinea, Chad, and many parts of French-speaking Africa and has become a deposit box for dirty money and assets stolen from the African people.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">Therefore the chorus 'No Safe Havens for Dirty Money' being sung by Christine Lagarde of the IMF and Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala must be played to French politicians, business elites, the banks, the property sector and the corporations, for charity they say begins at home.</div><div style="line-height: 18px; margin-bottom: 18px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-rendering: auto;">By Lord Aikins Adusei<br />
The author is a political activist and anti corruption campaigner</div></div></div></div></div>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-15514797971032230682011-11-05T11:46:00.000-07:002012-01-12T21:47:23.257-08:00Africa's military must be a force for stability, peace, prosperity and positive change<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjSXgx6UBTADl5rK7iEm7jBDQRUDwA_s7h1YT-m62lmPvDJ3zaS6lTLkC8VTjTImRJh5t6hPGa9RZNWvAEpAQPw2CS1q5Cr7uivW7NRa5FzzZv4EwYy6hQsGXtpOGrKSmr1730hKsMWUFo/s1600/03guinea_600.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="366" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjSXgx6UBTADl5rK7iEm7jBDQRUDwA_s7h1YT-m62lmPvDJ3zaS6lTLkC8VTjTImRJh5t6hPGa9RZNWvAEpAQPw2CS1q5Cr7uivW7NRa5FzzZv4EwYy6hQsGXtpOGrKSmr1730hKsMWUFo/s640/03guinea_600.jpg" width="640" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span class="apple-style-span" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: white; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; color: #666666; font-family: Arial; font-size: 8.5pt;">Captain Moussa Camara, chief of the ruling junta</span></span><span class="apple-style-span" style="text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: white; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; color: #909090; font-family: Arial; font-size: 7pt;"> whose officers massacred 157 Guineans in September 2009 </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: justify;"><span lang="EN-US"></span></div><br />
<b>A reflection of the role of the army in the past</b><br />
The Arab Uprising in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya as well as the recent deadly civil war in Ivory Coast has shown the paradoxes within the Africa military establishment. The uprising and wars have brought to the to fore how the military in Africa can be a force for peace, stability and prosperity and at the same time a force destabilization, chaos, mayhem and destruction. In Egypt the army won the respect of not only Egyptians but also the entire world when they refused to slaughter their countrymen in their thousands in support of the Mubarak dictatorship. They realised that it will be sensible for Hosni Mubarak and his sons to leave the throne of power rather than butcher thousands of their own people. In Libya and Ivory Coast on the other hand the army chose to side with the powers that be and subjected their own people to extreme brutalities.<br />
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When the military in Africa is critically examined not too many positive things can be associated with it.<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="mso-layout-grid-align: none; text-align: justify; text-autospace: none;"><br />
</div>The role of the military everywhere, Africa included, is to secure the democratic institutions and protect the territorial integrity of their nations and prevent outside predators from preying them.<br />
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Unfortunately in Africa the armies have ignored their traditional mandate of safeguarding the territorial integrity of their nations and have adopted positions that have been detrimental to Africa's development and progress. Like the German army that raped, tortured and killed six million Jews in the 1940s, the armies in Africa have been associated with extreme barbarity, massacre, rape, torture, genocide, summary executions, economic sabotage, infringement of civil liberty, dictatorship, corruption, pillage, force imprisonment, social havoc, brute force, political instability, usurpation of constitutions, reversal of democratic values including the overthrow of constitutionally elected governments. <span lang="EN-US" style="text-align: justify;">According to Patrick J. McGowan of the </span><st1:place style="text-align: justify;"><st1:placename><span lang="EN-US">Arizona</span></st1:placename><span lang="EN-US"> </span><st1:placetype><span lang="EN-US">State</span></st1:placetype><span lang="EN-US"> </span><st1:placetype><span lang="EN-US">University</span></st1:placetype></st1:place><span lang="EN-US" style="text-align: justify;">, between January 1956 and December 2001 the African military carried out more than 80 successful coups, another 108 failed coups, and 139 attempted and reported coup plots.</span><br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEia0eJp6sOzY7PzgAeabUtmOqsuR08cW95tTO9TIcNs-i9L-Fma9o4bBlLRMgrsYvjk8ejqwut1rGZ5VAiLHFv-OR4b5jxXABVY635XtmsRR-qhIjc0_3ktbq4FZeAlQNW9C3SldajvbOE/s1600/29guinea-650.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="484" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEia0eJp6sOzY7PzgAeabUtmOqsuR08cW95tTO9TIcNs-i9L-Fma9o4bBlLRMgrsYvjk8ejqwut1rGZ5VAiLHFv-OR4b5jxXABVY635XtmsRR-qhIjc0_3ktbq4FZeAlQNW9C3SldajvbOE/s640/29guinea-650.jpg" width="640" /></a></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">Civilians always bear the brunt of military excesses in Africa </span></div><div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none;"><br />
</div><div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none;">It is difficult to find a single country in Africa where the armed forces and the security institutions have not had excesses against the country and the civilian population. From Algeria to Zimbabwe, the militaries in Africa have become a destabilising force preventing Africa from catching up with the rest of the world. In South Africa and Namibia where apartheid was brutally and religiously enforced by the white minority governments, the armed forces were the enforcing power. The genocide that took place in Rwanda in 1994 which resulted in the death of some 800,000 people could not have taken place without the strategic involvement of the armed forces. The horrors of the Biafra war in which tens of thousands of Nigerians especially Igbos died was made possible by the incursion of the military into civilian rule. </div><div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none;"><br />
</div>Throughout the continent the military sees itself as alternative to civilian rule, a wrong notion that has had profound and devastated impact on Africa's development and progress. <br />
<div style="border-bottom: medium none; border-left: medium none; border-right: medium none; border-top: medium none;"><br />
</div>Immediately after independence many of the armies in Africa joined forces with American and European intelligence agencies to forcefully overthrow governments that they were mandated to protect. Throughout the 1960s,1970s, 1980s and even 1990s the armies in Nigeria, Ghana, Uganda, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Equatorial Guinea, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Central African Republic, Somalia, DRC and Algeria among others took their countries hostage and reversed decades of economic, social and political progress. In Ghana despite the massive economic and social infrastructural projects carried out by Kwame Nkrumah's government the military connived with Western imperialists and abruptly stopped Nkrumah's effort to industrialise the country. In the process they helped to reverse the many successes that were chalked under Nkrumah's presidency. Ghana today is still struggling to attain a middle income status while her contemporaries like South Korea and Malaysia enjoy one of the best standards of living in the world. <br />
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Since Egypt became a republic in 1953 the army has been in power most of the time with Gen Hosni Mubarak in charge for 30 years until the people's revolution swept him aside in 2011. During his 30 year reign Egypt, its leadership and its institutions became more corrupt, and inequality between the people and the ruling elite and their cronies widened exponentially. In the early years of her independence the Egyptian army adhered to its original role and fought aggressively against British, French and Israeli invasion but after Mubarak came to power the army as they have done everywhere on the continent, increasingly turned its attention to its citizens treating them as if though they were an invasion force. Although there appears to be a revolution in Egypt that effectively ended the dictatorship of Mubarak, but a closer look at the country suggests that there has not been any revolution at all. The army headed by Field Marshal Tantawi, a longtime ally of Mubarak is still in charge and there are reports that the number of civilians tried in military courts has increased under the supposed revolution, which is a clear indication that the army's disregard for civil institutions and impunity is still in operation.<br />
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The Nigerian armed forces have done more harm than good to their country. The harm which begun in January 1966 ushered in a period of brutalities, assassinations, coups, counter coups, civil war, official corruption, human right violation, economic decline, and impunity that the country has still not recovered from. Dubbed Africa's sleeping giant because of her economic and political potential, Nigeria is often ridiculed in international circles and is now considered a failed state thanks to the role of its military. Since independence in 1960 there have been six major coups in the country with most of the country's 50 years of independence being ruled by corrupt military dictators. By metamorphosing and constituting itself into civil and political power and entrenching corruption and impunity the armed forces of Nigeria helped to lay the foundation for what has become a hopeless and desperate security situation in the country. Since oil was discovered, the armed forces have backed corrupt multinational corporations like Royal Shell that are destroying Nigeria's environment and endangering the livelihoods of millions of people in the Niger Delta region. The threat of the military taking over power was heightened when Omaru Yar'Dua died and even the current administration lives in fear of the armed forces as is indicated by a recent speech by Nigeria's vice President. In the speech he pleaded with the army to respect the constitution and remain loyal to the government.<br />
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Col Al Gaddafi of Libya toiled for 42 years to develop Libya into the Switzerland of Africa but used seven months to destroy what he painstakingly helped to build. Despite the good works he did in Africa he also supervised a government based on terror, fear, intimidation, torture, imprisonment, assassinations, terrorism and killings. In the spring of 2011 the Libyan army under the command of Gaddafi and his sons were in fact ready to slaughter their own citizens in order to maintain their grip on power until they were crashed by the rebels but not until 25,000 Libyans have been sacrificed. In Ivory Coast, Gen Robert Gay and Laurent Gbagbo both used the military to achieve their political ambitions and succeeded in plunging one of Africa's successful economies into civil war that killed about 3000 people and shattered the economic successes of the country. <br />
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The security forces in the Horn of Africa remain one of the feared armies on the continent. Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia and Isaiah Afeweki of Eritrea and their security architecture continue to engage in wars, kidnapping, assassination, torture and imprisonment of people critical of their regime. Many Eritreans and Ethiopians are freeing their countries in their thousands to escape the brutalities of the forces. In Cameroon the feared military unit called Jean Damme has been used by Paul Biya to intimidate and terrorise the civilian population rather than protecting them from the dictatorship of Biya. <br />
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Uganda's Iddi Amin and his henchmen seized power and begun deporting Asian business owners destroyed the country's economy. Museve's 25 year dictatorship has not helped to place the country on the path of economic prosperity, social cohesion and cultural advancement. In Ethiopia Mengistu and his army officers succeeded in turning the country into a country of hunger, famine and total destitution. The sad story of Somalia where a brutal civil war is still ongoing was the making of Siad Barre and his military dictatorship that begun in 1969 and ended in 1991. <br />
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The military in Togo and Guinea have had their faire share of the atrocities suffered by Africa and her citizens. The military in both countries have engaged in repression, massacre, corruption, and reversal of freedoms. In Guinea for example Lansana Conte and his bunch of military officers ruled the country as their personal fiefdom for more than two decades and succeeded in reducing the country to a beggar state despite being rich in gold, bauxite and other minerals. In September 2009 the Captain Moussa Camara military government that took over power when Lansana Conte died succeeded in shooting, stabbing, assaulting, raping women and massacring 157 innocent members of their own population. In Togo also Gen Eyadema retarded the country's development for 32 years until his death in 2005. The army quickly installed his son as his successor to ensure that the legacy of corruption of the father continues.<br />
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Gen Mobutu Sese Seku's Zaire (now DRC) suffered the same fate as any of the African countries mentioned above. Backed by his country's armed forces, the United States and her European allies, Gen Mobutu made poverty and corruption one of the entrenched symbols of his country. For 32 years he led the armed forces to turn their guns on Zairians killing as many as he could and stealing billions of dollars worth of DRC assets and stacking them in American and European banks. The DRC army has been accused of rape, extortion of money from civilians and killing them. The DRC armed forces are considered one of the most indisciplined armies in the whole of Africa. Since the late 1990s more than five million Congolese have perished in the hands of the military, the various rebel groups, and Rwanda and Uganda armed forces.<br />
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<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYdrq1NDb7PrY8wusqrLw8FrQpQUv723SeRDl4zI0umCkgfEtUivnihNiHbb_pteQCmCI7VSE-OovuOsFnIra2eDhqCt_zdao0Qd1jSzVc8t23mim9tBvBAIM0ITiP1qxw0IPFFan2O-o/s1600/guinea+women+raped.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="640" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjYdrq1NDb7PrY8wusqrLw8FrQpQUv723SeRDl4zI0umCkgfEtUivnihNiHbb_pteQCmCI7VSE-OovuOsFnIra2eDhqCt_zdao0Qd1jSzVc8t23mim9tBvBAIM0ITiP1qxw0IPFFan2O-o/s640/guinea+women+raped.jpg" width="480" /></a></div><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-size: x-small;">A soldier stripping a woman naked during the 2009 army massacre of 157 unarmed opposition protest</span><br />
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The brutal and dictatorial regimes of Blaise Campore of Burkina Faso, Yahya Jammeh of the Gambia, Obiang Nguema of Equatorial Guinea, Dos Santos of Angola, Denis Sassou Nguesso of Congo Republic; their abysmal economic performance; and the inability of the people to raise their voice have been made possible through their alliance with the military who have been used as war dogs to pounce on the populace and deny them economic, political, social and cultural freedom. The so called strong men of Africa have been able to bring Africa to economic and political standstill because of their use of the armed forces and other security institutions to instill fear in the population. Today Africa remains the only continent where military dictatorship and dictatorial regimes backed by the army is still dominant. In other words the military in Africa have been largely a distracting force. In the name of national security which can be interpreted as regime protection these military governments implemented oppressive dictatorial laws that turned their own citizens into slaves without rights. <br />
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Surrounded by their kind these army officers like Sani Abacha, Ibrahim Babangida, Hosni Mubarak, Gaddafi, Jerry Rawlings, Iddi Amin, were never and have never been concerned about the welfare of the people but rather their stomach and there is enough evidence to proof it. The evidence about how Africa has suffered in the hands of the military is clear when countries like Nigeria, Ghana, and Libya are considered. From Sani Abacha who stole more than 3 billion dollars in five years, to Mobutu who bankrupt Zaire, to Hosni Mubarak whose ill-gotten wealth was pegged at 75 billion dollars, to Omar Bongo who stole Gabon's money to financed French political parties, to Obiang Nguema, Paul Biya, Blaise Campore, Denis Nguesso, Omar Bongo and Dos Santos accused by civil society organisations of corrupt, flamboyant and extravagance lifestyle the evidence of why Africa is a paralysed continent is clear.<br />
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Some of the periods in which the army took over power remain one of the darkest and wasted years in Africa's effort to fight illiteracy, poverty, hunger and diseases. In many of these military takeovers many businessmen and women lost their investments as businesses were confiscated, sold or given to their cronies. In countries like Ghana state owned businesses were sold to cronies and allies of the regime. In Nigeria for instance Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha among others succeeded in draining the country's coffers by using money meant for electricity, education, health, water, roads to buy expensive military machines for their own protection. Gaddafi for example bought several billions of dollars worth of weapons from France and the United Kingdom while cities such as Benghazi were crying for infrastructure. <br />
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In most of the countries like Ghana the armed forces have never fought external aggressor rather they have often been used as instrument through which external aggressors (particularly Belgium, Britain, France and United States) get their hold on Africa's resources and their people. The armies in Algeria, Gabon, Egypt, Rwanda, Tunisia and Uganda have been the main instrument through which countries like United States, France, Belgium, have achieved their foreign policy objectives in Africa. France for instance used her troops stationed in Gabon and Senegal to gather intelligence and used the armies in Africa to carry out more than 40 coups against the people of the continent. The billions of dollars that Egyptian armed forces receive from the US annually is the main reason why the armed forces protected the regime of Hosni Mubarak for 30 years because he was seen as useful weapon and counter force against Iran and Iraq. <br />
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From a closer look one can easily see why and how Africa (one of the resource endowed continent in the world) has been reduced to a beggar and a desperate hopeless continent. The Armed forces incursion into civil power destroyed economic progress that was made in the early periods of independence. Political, economic and social institutions were destroyed as the armed regimes implemented policies without thinking about their impact. The army backing of the dictatorial regimes such as those in Zimbabwe, Algeria, Equatorial Guinea and Angola has endangered Africa's economic growth as well as her social and political progress.<br />
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<b>Wind of Change</b><br />
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There is no doubt Hosni Mubarak and his sons would have been in power and amassing wealth to the detriment of the Egyptian masses if the armed forces had chosen to back them. Unlike Libya where an estimated 25000 souls have perished, the refusal of the armed forces in Egypt to kill protesters at Tahir's Square helped to avoid a possible bloodbath. The armed forces' refusal is a sign of how the army can be a force for good, a force peace, stability and positive change. In Ghana the armed forces are seeking a different role that will not only contribute to improving the overall security situation but also the economic development of the nation. The armed forces in Ghana are considering entering into business ventures. This new concept is an indication of the positive thinking that is emerging in the African security command. These ambitions by the army should be nurtured as it has the potential of helping the armed forces to generate extra money outside the traditional sources. In Rwanda and Uganda the United States is helping the armed forces with training and reorganisation. Though many doubts the real intentions of the United States, it is hoped that such training will inculcate a sense of discipline and professionalism in the psyche of the army and help protect the countries from the instability that have come to defined them.<br />
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<b>Conclusion</b><br />
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The 21st Century has come with new security challenges that demand new strategies and tactics. These challenges also demand an army which is well trained and well resourced to respond to the threats and challenges. The emergence of Boko Haram in Bauchi and Borno States in Nigeria, Al Shabaab in Somalia; the threats posed by pirates in West, East and Southern Africa and its impact on the safety of international maritime transport all demands that the army in Africa undergo serious transformation and reorganisation to respond to these emerging threats.<br />
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Therefore many of the armies in Africa need reforming to reflect their role in this 21st century and also to respond to the emerging security threats such as piracy and terrorism. Democratic values, human rights, and respect for contitutional order must be at the centre of any training offered to the men and women in uniform. This will help them to understand the need not to derail the wheel of democracy and economic progress being made in Africa. It will help them to be on the side of the people always and not back dictators and power hungry individuals who seek to perpetuate their rule through violence and intimidation.<br />
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Rather than seeing itself as an alternative to civil power, the army in Africa must work closely with other security agencies to protect the institutions of governance, democracy, civil liberty and rule of law. Therefore they must not allow themselves to be used by unscrupulous politicians to the detriment of the security and wellbeing of their countries. And they must adhere to their mandate as the protector of the territorial infrastructures of the countries and refrain from acts that destroy the very nations they are supposed to protect. The military must do more to improve their relationship with the citizens of their respect countries. It is not in the interest of the army that they are feared rather than respected by the people. The 21st century global security arrangement demands that the armed forces become more professional, less power hungry and ready to protect the interest of their countries.Africa is bigger than any single individual and the armed forces must ensure that they will not be a bastion for insecurity, but rather a force for political stability, peace, prosperity and positive change.<br />
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<div><br />
</div>By Lord Aikins Adusei<br />
politicalthinker1@yahoo.comGhana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3681821202289220312.post-22217378179444946852011-04-02T23:20:00.001-07:002011-04-02T23:20:18.430-07:00NDC, NPP and the Ghanaian Journalist: A Critical Rebuke<span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">*By Lord Aikins Adusei</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Many Ghanaians are dismayed and horror-struck at the kind of journalism being practiced in today's Ghana. There is no doubt the NDC and NPP are the two leading political parties in Ghana and to replace them with a third party is unthinkable for now. But for journalists to defend their lies, their corrupt cocaine ridden behaviours, their ill-conceived economic policies, and their mismanagement of state resources, is something that the people of Ghana cannot understand. Almost all the journalists in Ghana appear to be either speaking for the NPP or the NDC. There is nothing to show that the journalists in Ghana write and talk as journalists. Ghanaians are looking for independent and neutral mind, but they cannot find any. There is no independent or middle voice. There is no voice speaking for mother Ghana and her children. There is no voice speaking for Ghana and the millions of Ghanaians who are languishing in poverty, without jobs, without electricity, whose houses have no water and who lack basic sanitation, not to talk about good roads, better housing and hospital facilities.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">The old colonial and tribal mentality that has characterised Ghana's politics has been transferred to the field of journalism. This has resulted in three sets of journalists and three groups of media outlets in Ghana. One of them belongs to the NDC including The Ghana Palaver, The Ghanaian Lens, The Daily Democrat, The True Democrat, The Crystal Clear Lens, The Weekly Standard, The Informer and The Ghanaian. Another group belongs to the NPP including, Daily Searchlight, The New Punch, The Mail (Formerly Accra Daily Mail), and Daily Guide. The third one is owned and controlled by the NPP or the NDC depending on who is in charge of government. I am referring to the so called state media (GBC and its cohort). Each of these media houses spews nothing but propaganda messages devoid of truth and matters that are at the heart of the people. When I was growing up as teenager I used to respect The Ghanaian Chronicle a lot. There was another paper called The Free Press. I would not rest if I did not read these two papers. That was in the 1980s and 1990s. These papers were committed to informing Ghanaians about the state of our nation: the poverty in the rural areas, the corruption that was so rampant in the country, the human rights abuses and the military brutalities that defined the politics at the time. Today that is all gone with Anas Aremeyaw Anas being the only journalist who appears to care about the well-being of Ghana.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">When NPP tells lies and NDC does the same the only body that can rightly inform the people is the media. But what happens when the journalist is in bed with the very politician telling the lies? Thanks to the media everything in the country has been reduced to NDC and NPP, nothing more nothing less. The poor nature of our roads is not discussed with the same intensity in which the media houses defend their clients (NDC and NPP). The corruption at the Accountant General's Department and in the ministries of education, finance, health, roads is not exposed because the journalists are busy defending the lies of NDC and NPP. The poverty in the rural areas is ignored completely in our discussions because the journalists are interested in writing lies. We hear the names NPP and NDC more than we do about unemployment. We do not hear about poverty in the rural areas unless they are talking about NDC. Where is their sense of patriotism? Where is our love for mother Ghana? Do we have to blindly follow NDC and NPP and speak for them? Do we have to defend their politics of insults, their politics of lies and their corrupt cocaine lifestyle?</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">In the 1980s and 1990s The Daily Graphic, Times and the GBC were singing praises to government officials and ignoring the poverty that was swallowing the masses because the journalists and editors there were interested in nothing but their stomach. Has anything changed since then? No. Today because of the competition from the private media the practise of singing praises to officials in order to secure their jobs has become even more intense. The Graphic and Times are always full of images showing Ministers commissioning toilets. I mean toilets. Editors in both media outlets see toilets as so important that they have to devote pages to report them and even have images spread inside their papers. I wish the editors there will have the opportunity to read the New York Times, the Guardian in UK and the Washington or Jerusalem Post to check what they usually report.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Publishing toilets is nothing but propaganda designed to deceive the people that something substantial is being done to help them while the issues so close to their heart are completely ignored. But that propaganda has brought us nothing but misery, poverty, and hardship. People have to sell on pavements and in the streets of Accra, Kumasi in order to make a living. Children are dropping out of school in the northern part of Ghana in order to become kayayos and street vendors in Accra and in Kumasi and all journalists are quiet. Who should write to defend the homeless and the voiceless when the journalist trained to do so is busy telling and defending lies spewed by corrupt and cocaine mafias masquerading as politicians?</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">There is no doubt that every human has his or her own biases but when the biases are taken too extreme it produces effects that cripple progress and development and that is exactly what is happening in the field of journalism in Ghana today. The biases of the journalists and the media houses in the country have been carried too extreme to the point that they are not able to speak or write the truth anymore. Take for example the damning cocaine revelation captured in the US Diplomatic cables released by Wikileaks. Anyone who critically read the cables can tell for sure that the operatives of the NDC and the NPP have been deeply involved in the cocaine trade. The inglorious revelations show that both the NDC and NPP politicians have succeeded in making Ghana a hot bed for and epicentre of cocaine smuggling in West Africa. When the revelations were made public instead of journalists asking questions like why has Ghana become the epicentre; who is involve; what method do the perpetrators use; and what can be done to eliminate the cocaine threat, the discussion and the analyses that followed were quickly reduced to the usual NDC and NPP politics by journalists who should have asked critical questions and put those failing to protect Ghana from the menace of the drug trade on their toes. The media spent a lot of time apportioning blames to NDC and NPP without any serious analysis as to what can be done. As I write the damage of the cocaine revelation is being felt by law-abiding Ghanaians travelling abroad as they have become target and suspect of drug and law enforcement agencies in Europe. The nation's reputation and its image internationally have been severely battered thanks to NDC and NPP politicians and their uncritical media friends. I have been forced to ask where the Kofi Coomsons and the Haruna Attas have all gone.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">We are slowly moving towards a situation where Ghanaians get to know the truth about what is happening in their own country not through local journalists/media but through revelation by foreign media. We have come to this situation because the biases of the local journalists have blinded them from practicing any serious journalism. If journalists want to be politicians they should leave the field and go into politics. It is unacceptable that they claim to be journalists while in fact they are bidding for NDC and NPP politicians, the same people who have made Ghanaians slaves of poverty. I have a serious problem when journalists write and speak like politicians; I also have a problem when they defend political corruption and when they ignore the plight of the poor.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">What kind of journalism is being practiced by the Ghanaian Democrat and Palava that sees everything in the NDC as good and everything in the NPP as bad? What kind of journalism is practiced by the Daily Guide when everything is black for NDC and white for NPP? If you want to hear favourable messages about the NDC listen to Radio Gold. If you want to hear anything negative about NPP listen to Radio Gold. Is that how we want to develop Ghana? Is that how we want to build fast railways networks, build high quality houses, provide affordable healthcare and jobs for our people?</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Over the last couple of months I have been listening to Asempa FM. There is a programme hosted by one Nana Kwabena Bobie Ansah. I do not know if the programme is a comedy show or not. I cannot take the programme and its host any serious because there is nothing about Ghana's current economic quagmire that is discussed. His programme is more about personalities, whipping tribal and ethnic sentiments and making disparaging remarks about women than about Ghana's total development. Nothing close to the heart of Ghanaians is discussed except politicians making hate and tribally charged statements and spewing their usual lies and the journalists who blindly support them. There is no civility and decorum on Mr. Bobie Ansah's programme. The panellists engage in verbal insults with each other when that is not enough for them they proceed to exchange blows as happened on Wednesday 9 February 2011. They frequently interrupt one another and shout on top of their voice as if they are talking to people standing thousands of miles away. The worse thing is that the analyses are often shallow, uncritical, not-balanced and most of the issues discussed are without substance. At the same time the language used on the programme is raw and undiplomatic. I ask myself whose interest is Mr. Bobie Mensah serving, is it that of Ghanaians? Does he and his cohorts watch or listen to Dateline London on BBC; Fareed Zakaria's GPS on CNN or Fault Lines, Empire and Inside Story on Aljazeera and can he contrast the atmosphere on these programmes with his usually confused and ill-moderated programme?</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">But Nana Kwabena Bobie Ansah is not the only one whose work in my opinion is out of touch with ordinary Ghanaians. In January 2011, after Mills government increased fuel prices, Mr. Kwesi Pratt is reported to have said that the current hardship in the country is too much and it is like the NDC government stopped thinking a long time ago. Well the truth is that Mr. Pratt also stopped thinking so many years ago. What does he expect when he focuses all his effort defending the government and not the plight of Ghana and Ghanaians? I see Mr. Ametor Kwame, Mr. Kwesi Pratt, Mr. Kwaku Baako and their colleagues in journalism as part of the machinery that is producing the sickening poverty situation and deprivation in Ghana. I say so because their pronouncements indicate that they speak for NDC and NPP rather than Ghana and Ghanaians. Most of Mr. Pratt's debates have been to defend the NDC and to criticise the NPP. Likewise Mr. Kwaku Baako has most of the time defended the NPP and criticised the NDC all to the disadvantage of the country and its people. Ghanaians are really suffering but the message of the senior journalists has often tended to show that everything in the country is fine when in fact everything is bad. The consequence is that Ghana's development is being sacrificed for the same politics that has brought us nothing but misery.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">The politics of insults which has come to replace government policies to fight cholera, poverty and water shortage in our cities, towns and villages couldn't have gotten worse without the media playing a role. Hannah Bissiw and Ursula Owusu couldn't have gone far with their foul-language politics if the media were critical. Koku Anyidoho and his cohorts in the NDC and the NPP would have refined their language and their thinking if the media had been critical. Visit www.ghanaweb.com and experience the kind of language that the editors and moderators there allow users to use there: Ghanaians are literally tearing one another apart with words, language and insults some of which are too appalling to be described yet the editors at Ghanaweb see nothing wrong with that. Where is their sense of responsibility?</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">In some countries that I know, it is journalists who set agenda for governments. Some of the journalists are so specialised in their field that they are able to speak authoritatively on issues affecting their countries. The reports and stories they run put fear in politicians and make governments shiver and run for cover. Those journalists are on the side of the people ready to inform the people what their governments, parliamentarians and political appointees are doing in their name. Do I see that in Ghana? No.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Am I disappointed? Yes. I am very disappointed that those who are given the platform to speak in favour of Ghana's development have betrayed the country and its people by siding with NDC, NPP and their corrupt representatives who for decades have been impoverishing the people, milking the country while asking the people to keep tightening their belts. Members of Parliament are asking for 7000 new Ghanaian cedis as salaries, but how many people in the country earn even half of that? And who is to inform the ordinary Ghanaian about the kind of rape that is happening to their country? The NDC and NPP politicians keep spending money on themselves building presidential palaces and buying presidential jets while ignoring the people's cry for water, for electricity, for food, for better housing, better education, and employment. As I write there are communities in Accra that have not received a drop of water for three years yet all that the media could do is to bring Hannah Bissiw the so called Minister for Water on air to engage in politics of insult.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">I am not the only one who is disappointed and dissatisfied with the work of our journalists and the media in general. I recently read a book authored by Ivor Agyemang-Duah (2008) titled 'An economic history of Ghana: Reflections on a Half-Century of Challenges and Progress'. In the book Dr. Nii Moi Thompson also expressed his unhappiness about the lack of critical and objective analysis of economic and social issues in the country as well as the willingness of the media to publish things without questioning and without checking their accuracy or authenticity. He made reference to some statements made by some politicians prior to the 2008 elections to buttress his point. “One of the presidential candidates for the December 2008 elections recently launched his campaign and the statistics he had in there were just flat-out false! It just didn't make sense; they actually indict his government. But no one questioned it. The main opposition party didn't question it. The media, well they are somewhere else. Anything you give them they will publish. No one has a critical mind as to say wait a minute, these numbers don't make sense” Agyemang-Duah (2008, p.64). “Whenever I go on radio or talk to journalists, I remind them that they have a professional responsibility and a patriotic duty to ensure that this democratic infrastructure is actually preserved by watching or editing the kind of language people use. I tell them they need to avoid things like this is a do or die election.” This good advice was offered in 2008 by Dr. Nii Moi Thompson but in 2011 we have the media playing over and over again a statement purported to have been made by Nana Addo in which he is reported to have said 'all die be die'. That is what is called irresponsible journalism indicating that the media has neither been rational, critical, objective, patriotic nor observant.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">Reverend Mensah Otabil in a recent comment published by Joy Online on Friday, 25 March 2011 also registered his unhappiness with the way the media focus time and energy to debate unnecessary issues in the country while issues that need attention are ignored completely. He said: “Can't we see the damage we are doing to ourselves? We are a third world nation; we have a development deficit of 250 years, our cities are chocking with filth, educational standards are [low], infectious diseases are killing us, our highways are unsafe for passengers, our water bodies are polluted, our forest cover is gone, industries are dying, homes are breaking up, the gap between the rich and the poor keeps widening, yet when you listen to our parliamentary debate, read our newspaper headlines, listen to radio or watch television for a whole month, you will not come across any sustained intelligent discussion offering responses”.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">The journalists in the country are trading the dignity of their profession for peanuts, ignoring the people they were trained to serve. It is because of their behaviour that is why the NDC and NPP have taken Ghanaians for a ride, not addressing the unemployment problem in the country and not doing anything to improve the lot of Ghanaians who are facing poverty, and hunger. Think about how many patients would die if doctors and nurses were to trade their profession for political lies.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">So what do Ghanaians want to see? They want to see critical, objective and balanced position being taking by all the media houses and the people professing the profession of journalism. Ghanaians want to see journalists asking critical questions and putting politicians and other officials on the spot to extract from them information that the public need to know. They want to see the politics of insults be removed from our national debates. They want the media to focus on the education sector and ask critical questions as to why Ghanaian universities did not make it to the top 100 of the recently published university ranking. Ghanaians want to see the cocaine debate highlighted and policies fashion out to remove its threat from the country. They want the problems of unemployment, water shortages, sanitation, waste management, and electricity be placed within our national dialogue. They want the problems of gender inequality, child labour, kayayo, teenage pregnancy be brought into our national discussion. They want a national development dialogue that will focus on how to build roads, rail networks, and telecommunication infrastructures to increase broadband access and internet speed in all parts of the country. They want national resources to be devoted to develop the rural areas and reduce the rural-urban migration that is contributing to governance problems in our cities. And finally they want the media to play its watch-dog role to police the oil revenue that is beginning to flow into the coffers of government so that the NDC and the NPP politicians will not steal it and mismanage the rest as they have done with proceeds from gold, cocoa and other valuable resources of the country.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"> </span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">There is so much to be done in Ghana to make it a better place for all its citizens and we must do it with critical mind, with critical eye and with critical ears, and with a sense of patriotism without the parody that has come to dominate our media landscape.</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;"><br />
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</span><span class="Apple-style-span" style="font-family: Verdana, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 13px; line-height: 18px;">*The author is a political activist and anti-corruption campaigner. E-mail: politicalthinker1@yahoo.com</span>Ghana Pundithttp://www.blogger.com/profile/16548470991025400281noreply@blogger.com0